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LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON.     N.    J. 


Presented  by 


TVie  Widow  o"f  Gre or ©"eDvAp^n ,      ^(=> 


Section kt..4r. '  k 

V/7 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2010  with  funding  from 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


http://www.archive.org/details/bookofezra72schu 


THE  BOOK 


OF 


EZRA. 


THEOLOGICALLY  AND  HOMILETICALLY  EXPOUNDED, 


r 

FR.  W.  SCHULTZ, 

PROFESSOR  IN   ORDINARY  OF  THEOLOGY  IN   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   BRESLAU.   PRUSSIA. 


TRANSLATED,  ENLARGED,  AND  EDITED 


REV.  CHARLES  A.  BRIGGS,  D.D, 

PROFESSOR   OF    OLD   TESTAMENT   EXEGESIS   IN   THE    UNION    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY, 

NEW    YORK. 


NEW   YORK: 

CHARLES  SCRIBXERS  SONS, 

743-745  Broadway*. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1877,  by 

SCEIBNEE,  AEMSTEONG  &  CO., 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


THE 


BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH. 


INTRODUCTION. 

\  1.     THEIR  SIGNIFICANCE,   CHARACTER   AND    CONTENTS. 

1.  Their  Significance. — It  might  readily  spein  as  if  the  development  of  Israel  subsequent 
to  the  exile  had  been  backwards,  and  it  bad  had  but  a  negative  significance  wi.h  reference  to 
the  history  of  redemption  ;  that  is,  as  if  it  was  merely  through  the  deficiencies  of  the  present, 
that  the  desire  for  a  betier  future  had  been  awakened  and  pointed  forward  to  it.  If,  how- 
ever, it  was  the  final  destiny  of  Israel  to  overcome  the  empires  of  the  world,  and  set  up  the 
kingdom  of  Go  1,  not  through  political,  but  religious  forces;  not  as  a  na  ion  ia  battle  with 
the  nations  of  the  world,  but  as  leaven  cast  in  among  them;  not  from  without,  but  from 
within,  and  without  political  independence  or  power — in  other  words:  if  the  kingdom  of 
God,  the  preparation  for  which  is  here  considered,  was  to  be  a  higher  spiritual  kingdom, 
then  even  the  circumstances  of  the  exile,  still  more  those  subsequent  to  the  exile,  were  pecu- 
liarly appropriate  to  prepare  Israel  for  its  work  in  a  positive  way,  likewise ;  yea,  they  con- 
strained this  people  at  once  from  the  very  beginning  to  become  a  community  which  was  not 
so  much  political  as  religious,  which,  in  distinction  from  the  previous  royal  kingdom,  we 
may  call  a  priestly  kingdom.  (Couip.  J.  P.  LANGE,  Introd.  to  the  Scriptures  in  the  vol.  of 
the  Comm.  on  Matt.,  p.  4.)  In  all  their  public  undertakings,  even  after  the  close  of  the 
exile,  although  so  dependent  upon  their  heathen  rulers  and  overseers  that  they  could  not  even 
build  their  temple,  not  to  speak  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  without  permission,  they  yet  had 
t!ie  important  task  of  showing  that  in  spite  of  the  loss  of  their  national  independence,  they 
were  in  a  position  to  maintain  victoriously  their  internal  religious  peculiarities,  and  that 
they  had  in  them  a  treasure  through  which,  if  they  faithfully  cherished  the  inheritance 
entrusted  to  them  from  above,  they  might  be  enabled  to  rise  above  all  external  oppressions 
— yea,  through  which  they  might  arise  in  the  most  powerful  and  glorious  manner  even  from 
their  apparent  defeats.  It  is  true  that  they  still  for  a  long  time  could  not  entirely  dispense 
with  externalities.  It  was  necessary  that  their  God  should  ever  have  a  temple,  in  which  to 
dwell  among  His  people,  though  apart  from  them;  their  hearts  were  not  yet  sufficiently  won 
and  purified  to  become  His  dwelling  and  temple.  And  so  Israel  itself  still  needed  a  city  in 
w'lich  they  might  be  near  the  temple,  in  which  more  than  any  where  else  they  might  live 
as  a  religious  community,  and  they  must  still  secure  it  with  walls  and  gates.  But  in  view 
of  their  higher  and  proper  aims,  they  were  no  longer  calle  1  to  reconquer  their  political  inde- 
pendence and  re-establish  a  worldly  kingdom.  The  efforts  of  the  Maccabees,  so  far  as  they 
tended  to  this  result,  and  their  consequences,  were  in  a  false  and  round-about  way. 

The  development  of  the  people  of  God,  as  such,  at  that  time  necessarily  required  that 
the  external  vessel,  which  indeed  was  entirely  appropriate  to  its  times  and  even  indispensa- 
ble, should  gradually  more  and  more  completely  fall  away  and  disappear,  as  the  chrysalis, 
out  of  which  the  butterfly,  attired  in  the  most  beautiful  colors,  soared  upward  to  the  bright 

1 


2  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAII. 

sky ;  so  that  that  which  was  spiritual  and  belonged  to  eternity  might  attain  its  pure  repre- 
sentation as  spiritual  and  eternal,  and  that  the  words  whose  depth  and  fullness  we  still  to- 
day so  insufficiently  appreciate :  "  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,"  might  be  more  and 
more  understood. 

Now  the  more  Israel  was  referred  to  their  religion  and  religious  customs,  the  more 
weight  would  they  be  likely  to  give  to  those  things  which  still  seemed  to  give  their  religion 
its  greatest  stability ;  the  more  decidedly  they  found  their  calling  in  being  a  holy  people, 
the  more  might  it  seem  that  they  were  commanded  to  clothe  with  religious  consecration 
those  things  which  were  externally  as  well  as  those  which  were  ethically  holy,  e.  g.  the  sanc- 
tuary, especially  the  temple  and  the  institutions  of  worship,  the  ancient  writings  also  which 
guided  to  the  religion,  the  people  which  had  its  existence  through  the  religion  and  the  law 
over  against  the  heathen  world;  yea,  the  city  itself,  in  which  alone  they  were  able  to  pre- 
serve all  these  holy  things.  Yes,  they  were  in  great  danger  of  regarding  reverence  and  care 
for  the»e  sacred  things  as  the  highest  and  most  important  of  all  things,  and  thus  of  external- 
izing religion  in  a  worse  way  than  before  the  exile,  when  it  was  through  the  undue  estima- 
tion of  other  things.  In  short  both  tendencies  were  possible.  The  times  following  the  exile 
might  just  as  well  prepare  the  way  for  the  new,  real  and  internal  organization  of  the  king- 
dom of  God,  commencing  with  Christ  and  the  apostles,  as  be  the  beginning  of  that  entirely 
opposite  extreme  of  Pharisaism  through  the  cultivation  of  externals  and  of  antichriatian 
Judaism.  And  both  possibilities  have  been  realized.  It  is  the  great  significance  of  the 
books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  that  they  historically  describe  that  effort,  yea,  likewise  power 
and  might  of  Israel  in  rising  up  again  and  maintaining  the  field,  even  without  political 
independence,  as  a  purely  religious  community,  thus  of  struggling  for  the  New  Testament 
and  spiritual  mode  of  existence,  so  likewise  it  at  least  let9  us,  through  the  entire  character 
of  the  persons  with  whom  they  have  to  do,  yea  even  through  the  condition  of  the  entire  con- 
gregation, forebode  the  danger  pointed  out  of  a  new  external  religion  putting  itself  in  place 
of  the  old.  The  book  of  Esther  also  shares  in  this  characteristic,  as  on  the  one  side  it  brings 
into  view  the  faithfulness  of  Israel  to  the  law  of  their  fathers  in  the  midst  of  the  severest 
temptations  and  trials ;  whilst  on  the  other  it  does  not  extol  this  faithfulness  as  being  as 
pure  and  exalted  as  we  could  wish.  Thus  these  three  books  were  given  for  instruction,  edi- 
fication, consolation  and  warning,  especially  for  those  times  when  the  congregation  is  again 
in  the  condition  of  doing  away  with  their  previous  unreliable  and  frail  props,  of  becoming 
poorer  in  apparent  blessings  and  of  being  obliged  to  return  to  the  real  and  substantial  bless- 
ings. They  bear  witness  to  the  congregation  in  the  plainest  and  most  unmistakable  marner 
that  it  can  show  itself  as  internally,  really  rich  even  in  external  poverty,  and  can  rise 
above  all  difficulties,  trials  and  oppressions  in  spite  of  external  weakness,  yea,  they  prophesy 
to  it,  that  whilst  not  of  this  world,  it  will  abide  ever  anew  as  indestructible  and  eternal. 
But  they  likewise  warn,  in  such  times  of  mortification  and  trouble,  not  to  be  careless  of  self, 
or  to  find  true  piety,  which  can  only  consist  in  sincere  devotion  to  God,  ii  the  estimation 
and  cultivation  of  those  things  which  are  really  the  products  of  piety  itself. 

2.  TJidr  Character. — It  might  be  questionable  whether  the  period  subsequent  to  the  exile 
afforded  the  appropriate  material  for  a  sacred  history.  Sacred  history  had  previously  had  espe- 
cially to  do  with  the  government  of  God  as  it  was  more  or  less  revealed  in  Israel.  If  now  there 
were  no  longer  any  such  manifestations  of  God  as  had  previously  been  described,  no  more  such 
preservation,  deliverance,  revival  and  advancement  of  the  people;  if  the  people  continued  to 
exist  merely  as  a  religious  community,  and  accordingly  lead  merely  a  quiet,  so  to  say  a  hid- 
den life,  without  rejoicing  in  new  revelations — then  at  least  it  is  not  quite  clear  why  the  his- 
tory should  still  maintain  a  sacred  character.  But  on  the  other  hand  the  history  might,  yea, 
must  exhibit,  on  the  one  side,  the  new  beginning  at  all  events,  so  far  as  the  people  had  such 
a  beginning  in  Jerusalem  as  a  religious  community,  and  thus  the  return  of  a  portion  of  the 
exiles  and  the  restoration  as  well  of  the  temple  as  of  the  city  with  its  walls,  as  a  secure  place 
of  the  community  ;  but  especially  likewise  the  re-establishment  of  the  community  itself  as  a 
people  separating  themselves  decidedly  from  the  heathen,  and  living  in  accordance  with  the 
divine  law  in  communion  with  God. 


I  1.   THEIR  SIGNIFICANCE,  CIIARACTER  AND  CONTENTS. 


This  beginning  had  been  expressly  set  in  prospect  by  the  prophets  as  G  d's  own  act, 
anil  so  could  not  come  to  pass  without  the  especial  co-operation  of  God,  that  is,  unless  He 
had  made  the  heathen  world-powers  subservient  to  His  purpose,  and  inclined  a  portion  of 
the  exiles  to  return  to  their  devastated  land.  Moreover,  on  the  other  side,  the  preservation 
of  the  portion  remaining  in  the  lands  of  the  exile  might  at  all  events  take  such  a  form  that 
it  would  not  be  an  entirely  inappropriate  theme  of  sacred  history.  That  is,  if  a  danger 
should  arise  for  this  Judaism  in  the  Diaspora  too  great  to  be  overcome  through  human  power 
and  sagacity  without  a  higher  divine  providence;  if  it  should  especially  threaten  Judaism 
as  such,  that  is,  on  account  of  the  law  and  their  lawful  reverence  of  God  so  that  it  became 
doubtful  whether  obedience  to  the  divine  law  could  be  maintained  in  spite  of  the  human 
claims  to  obedience — then  there  could,  yea,  must  be  such  a  preservation.  That  portion  of 
Judaism  remaining  in  heathen  lauds  had  by  no  means  been  dismissed  as  such  from  commu- 
nion with  Jehovah ;  it  had  a  not  unimportant  part  to  play  for  the  kingdom  of  God,  as  is 
manifest  in  the  apostolic  times,  where  it  constituted  with  its  synagogues  the  best  starting- 
point  for  the  preaching  of  the  gospel;  and  their  remaining  behind  in  exile  was  in  some 
measure  approved  by  the  word  of  God  itself,  inasmuch  as  the  prophets  had  placed  the  proper 
return  in  connection  with  the  appearance  of  the  Messiah. 

The  new  beginning  we  find  described  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  a  pre- 
servation of  the  character  above  pointed  out  in  the  book  of  Esther.  The  books  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  by  no  means  intend  to  narrate  the  history  of  the  entire  period  which  they  embrace 
from  Zerubbabel  to  Nehemiah ;  but  they  would  in  reality  merely  treat  of  that  which  was 
essential  to  the  new  beginning.  This  is  clear  not  only  from  what  they  narrate,  but  also 
from  that  which  they  omit.  And  with  respect  to  the  book  of  Esther,  the  principal  thing  is 
not  so  much  the  person  of  Esther  or  Mordecai  and  their  exaltation,  as  the  deliverance  of 
Israel,  for  which  all  else  is  as  the  means  to  the  end.  As  it  was  to  be  expected,  however,  the 
history  of  this  new  period  has  a  new  method  and  a  different  tone.  Whilst  the  representation 
of  the  times  before  the  exile  regarded  the  external  affairs,  that  is,  the  people  and  their  pos- 
session of  the  land,  as  the  bearers  of  the  internal;  and  the  lower,  that  is,  the  political  fortune 
as  the  outflow  of  the  highest;  and  thus  had  ever  occupied  itself  with  the  proper  soul  of  that 
which  occurred,  with  the  thoughts  and  plans  of  God,  especially  with  the  holy  and  glorious 
acts  of  God  :  the  historian  of  the  times  subsequent  to  the  exile  naturally  took  the  external  it- 
self at  once  as  an  internal  thing,  so  that  he  stopped  with  the  lower,  earthly  and  human.  Whilst 
the  history  of  the  times  previous  to  the  exile,  as  a  faithful  copy  of  the  great  conflict,  which 
the  Lord  had  then  conducted  for  the  existence  of  His  truth,  against  all  heathenish  influences 
within  and  without  Israel,  had  on  its  part  most  earnestly  taken  part  in  the  struggle,  and 
become  especially  great  and  strong  through  its  simple,  constantly-repeated,  but  at  the  bottom 
the  only  valid  criticism  of  the  heathenish  influence,  the  apostacy  from  Jehovah,  the  carnal  im- 
pulses and  errors — the  history  of  the  times  subsequent  to  the  exile  contented  itself  with  a  simple 
account  of  that  which  transpired,  and  purposed  merely  to  excite  a  grateful  remembrance  of 
that  which  God  had  done,  or  of  the  services  of  the  prominent  men  and  families.  Whilst  the 
history  of  the  pre-exile  times  had  a  genuine  prophetic  character,  in  that  it  had  immediately 
taken  part  in  real  life,  as  it  then  was  also  conducted  by  prophets ;  that  of  the  post-exile  times 
assumed  a  priestly  Levitical  character  without  doubt  likewise  proceeding  from  priests  and 
Levi'es.  This  new  method  of  conception  and  treatment  had  likewise  its  propriety.  The 
view  which  supported  this  method  was  that  ultimately  all  depends  upon  the  divine  service, 
and  that  which  is  connected  therewiih,  that  hence  the  temple  and  the  capital  deserve  the 
most  attention  as  the  places  of  the  divine  service.  This  was  sufficiently  sustained  by  that 
advance  in  development,  which  marked  the  post-exile  time  and  the  new  arrangement  of 
affairs,  and  is  entirely  correct.  And  if  now  the  singers  and  musicians  appeared  alongside 
of  the  priests,  this  is  all  the  more  established,  as  alongside  of  and  after  the  offerings  the  wor- 
ship must  more  and  more  gain  through  the  word  a  higher  and  more  spiritual  value.  We 
must  find  sufficiently  good  reasons  for  this,  and  recognize  it  with  thankfulness  that  a  histo- 
rian subsequent  to  the  exile  in  the  books  of  Cliron'cles  treated  the  entire  history  previous 
to  the  exile  from  the  same  point  of  view  an  1  according  to  the  same  principles. 


4  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

But  we  must  also  bring  into  consideration  a  difference  in  the  method  of  using  the  sources, 
which,  if  it  is  more  of  a  formal  character  is  yet  not  unimportant.  Whilst  in  the  pre-exile 
history  the  use  of  the  sources  was  the  subordinate  and  secondary  thing,  and  the  independent 
representation  in  accordance  with  practical  aims  was  the  principal  thing;  in  the  post-exile 
history,  as  it  appears  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  the  chief  thing  appears  to  be  the 
use  of  the  sources.  The  author  lets  his  own  representation  remain  in  the  back-ground,  at 
least  so  far  as  that  he  merely  gives  a  sufficient  introduction  to  the  sources  or  original  docu- 
ments respecting  the  subject  in  hand,  so  far  as  he  can  use  them,  and  seeks  to  put  them  in 
proper  connection  with  one  another,  and  even  in  the  Chronicles  he  does  not  revise,  but  com- 
piles. Hence  he  heaps  up  the  original  documents,  especially  in  (he  book  of  Ezra,  official 
letters,  which  naturally  seem  too  detailed,  and  in  addition  registers  of  names,  which  strike 
us  as  too  long-winded.  But  when  we  ask  what  induced  him  to  make  these  so  prominen',  we 
might  bring  into  consideration  in  general  and  above  all  that  which  was  involved  in  the 
entire  development  of  the  times,  the  above-mentioned  es'imate  of  ancient  pieces  of  composi- 
tion as  holy  treasures;  but  the  chief  reason  for  the  adoption  of  such  epistolary  documents, 
as  we  find  especially  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  was  certainly  in  the  circumstance  that  the  whole 
existence  of  the  community  subsequent  to  the  exile,  poli'ically  so  dependent,  was  based 
upon  them,  so  that  they  really  had  an  inestimable  worth ;  with  respect  to  the  register  of 
names,  we  are  likewise  to  consider,  that  in  a  time  when  the  existence  of  the  community 
gathered  about  the  temple  was  no  longer  given  by  the  simple  mention  of  their  membership 
in  the  tribe  or  people,  but  was  dependent  on  the  free  resolution  of  the  individuals  who  would 
return  from  Babylon,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  limited  itself  to  individual  households  of  the 
ancient  families  and  tribes,  that  it  was  no  longer  sufficient  to  speak  in  general  of  Judah  or 
Benjamin,  but  was  natural  to  mention  the  individual  families  and  households,  yea,  here  and 
there  likewise  of  individual  persons,  and  to  hold  them  as  worthy  of  a  thankful  remembrance. 
These  registers  of  names  cannot  hut  remind  us  from  this  point  of  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
farther  the  congregation  developed  itself  in  accordance  with  this  idea,  the  more  the  personality 
of  the  individual  gained  in  importance  and  came  into  estimation. 

3.  Their  Contents. — The  chief  topics  of  consideration  after  the  exile  were,  on  the  one  side, 
the  temple  as  the  dwelling  place  of  God;  on  the  other  side  the  city  with  its  walls  as  the  place  of 
the  congregation,  and  besides  the  congregation  itself.  Thm  in  the  book  of  Ezra  the  temple 
stands  decidedly  in  the  foreground,  in  the  book  of  Nehemiah  the  city  with  its  walls,  whilst  both 
books,  in  their  second  parts,  take  up  the  congregation  itself,  that  is  the  organization  of  their  life 
in  accordance  with  the  law.  The  b>ok  of  Nehemiah,  moreover,  embraces  the  city  walls  and 
the  life  of  the  congregation  in  accordance  with  the  law  once  more  in  a  brief  closing  section. 
More  closely  considered  there  are  only  a  few  principal  topics  treated  of  with  reference  to 
these  subjects.  The  book  of  Ezra  begins  with  the  year  in  which  Cyrus  gave  the  Jews  per- 
mission to  return  (536),  and  extends  at  least  to  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes  (45S),  embra- 
cing accordingly  a  space  of  about  eighty  years.  The  book  of  Nehemiah  alludes  to  the  twen- 
tieth year  of  Artaxerxes,  and  touches  besides  upon  what  happened  after  his  thirty-second 
year,  thus  after  433.  Limiting  itself,  however,  to  the  beginnings,  the  book  of  Ezra  occupies 
itself  merely  with  the  fundamental  permission  of  Cyrus,  the  building  of  the  temple  under 
Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua,  and  finally  merely  with  the  negative  consolidation  of  the  life  of  the 
congregation  under  the  law,  which  still  so  readily  mixed  itself  with  heathenism,  namely, 
with  the  exclusion  of  heathen  women  by  Ezra;  it  thus,  after  narrating  the  building  of  the 
temple,  leaps  over  the  entire  period  between  the  seventh  year  of  Darius  Hystaspis  and  the 
seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes,  a  period  of  fifty-six  years.  The  book  of  Nehemiah  discourses 
merely  respecting  the  restoration  of  the  city-walls  and  the  positive  strenglhening  of  the  life 
under  the  law  through  the  renewal  of  the  covenant  between  God  and  the  new  congregation, 
with  an  emphasis  of  the  conditions  then  particularly  important.  How  much  the  author  i3 
inclined  to  make  use  of  the  documents  and  sources  respecting  the  re-establishment  of  the 
congregation,  or  rather  give  them  after  a  short  introduction,  is  manifest  enough  from  the 
beginning.  After  referring  to  Jeremiah's  words  with  reference  to  the  end  of  the  exile  and 
re-establishment  of  Jerusalem,  by  which  the  subsequent  history  is  put  in  the  light  of  an  act 


\  1.   THEIR  SIGNIFICANCE.  CHARACTER  AND  CONTENTS.  5 

of  God  in  fulfilment  thereof,  the  edict  of  Cyrus  follows,  that  called  upon  the  Jews  to  return 
to  Jerusalem  and  build  the  temple,  and  moreover  called  upon  those  who  remained  to  assist 
the  departing.  The  restoration  of  (lie  vessels  of  the  temple,  once  carried  away  from  Jerusa- 
lem by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  Sheshbazzar,  the  prince  of  Judah,  is  likewise  mentioned  (chap.  i.). 
This  is,  however,  in  a  certain  sense,  merely  the  introduction  to  chap.  ii.  Without  going  fur- 
ther into  a  description  of  tbe  return,  yea,  without  even  simply  mentioning  it  in  so  many 
words,  the  author  at  once  gives  the  register  of  those  who  returned  wi  h  Zerubbabel  and 
Jeshua,  whilst  he  adds  at  the  close  their  number  and  the  number  of  their  servants,  maid- 
servants, horses,  etc  ,  at  the  same  time,  moreover,  the  sum  which  the  heads  of  fathers  among 
them  offered  for  the  building  of  the  temple  (chap.  ii.).  In  chap.  iii.  he  again  continues  his 
narrative.  The  returned  people  again  assembled  from  the  different  cities  in  which  they  had 
settled,  towards  the  seventh  month,  and  in  order  to  bo  able  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  taberna- 
cles, restored  at  first  merely  the  ancient  altar,  then,  moreover,  directly  prepared  also  for  the 
building  of  the  temple.  Already  in  the  second  year  and  indeed  in  the  second  mon'h  occurred 
the  laying  of  the  foundation  of  the  temple,  when  shouts  of  joy  and  cries  of  lamentation 
touchin<rly  mingled.  But  sad  to  say  (chap,  iv  )  the  adversaries  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  the 
Samaritans,  interfered,  wdio  would  have  gladly  assisted,  but  were  necessarily  excluded  from 
the  work,  and  in  consequence  of  this  had  the  permission  to  build  revoked  at  the  Persian 
royal  court,  who  still  even  in  the  time  of  Ahasuerua  and  Artaxerxes  raised  obstacles  by 
their  calumniations.  The  author  narrates  this  to  us  in  order  now  directly  to  insert  in  Chal- 
dee  the  letter  of  complaint  of  the  Samaritans  which  they  addressed  to  Artaxerxes,  and  the 
answer  of  the  king  to  i1,  documents  without  doubt  preserved  in  Jerusalem.  In  chaps,  v. 
and  vi.  he  continues  the  history  of  the  building  of  the  temple  in  the  time  of  Darius  Hystas- 
pis,  but  so  that  first  of  all  he  gives  the  report  that  the  Persian  officers  sent  to  their  king  and 
his  answer  thereto.  He  concludes  this  section  in  ci.  vi.  19-22  with  a  short  account  of  the 
celebration  of  the  first  passover  after  the  completion  of  the  temple  and  the  re-esteblishinent 
of  the  worship. 

A  new  section  begins  with  chap.  vii.  as  it  passes  over  from  the  seventh  year  of  Darius 
Hystaspis,  from  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  to  Ezra.  It  narrates  chap.  vii.  1-10  summarily,  that 
the  priest  Ezra,  whose  high-priestly  origin  is  shown,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes  had 
departed  from  Babylon  for  Jerusalem,  and  had  arr'ved  in  the  fifth  month,  in  order  to  set  up 
and  teach  the  law  of  the  Lord  in  Israel.  But  this  is  again  only  for  an  introduction  to  docu- 
ments, which  he  has  to  communicate  and  directly  subjoins  First  a  letter  in  the  Chaldee 
language  follows,  which  Artaxerxes  gave  Ezra  to  take  along  with  him,  in  order  to  secure 
him  the  support  of  the  officers  for  the  comple'e  establishment  of  the  worship  in  Jerusalem, 
in  order  also  to  give  him  ample  authority  for  the  improvement  of  the  administration  of  judg- 
ment, for  the  appointment  of  judges  and  rffieers  cf  justice  (chap.  vii.  25) ;  then  comes  the 
conclusion  in  the  Hebrew  language  added  by  Ezra  himself,  in  which  he  praises  God  for  this 
decree  of  the  king  (chap.  vii.  11-28).  Next  we  have  a  list  prepared  by  Ezra  of  the  families 
who  went  up  with  him  to  Jerusalem  (chap  viii.  1-14)  ;  furthermore  a  somewhat  more  ex- 
tended narrative  of  Ezra's,  respecting  the  equipment  of  his  company,  respecting  his  journey 
to  Jerusalem,  and  respecting  the  delivery  of  the  treasures  and  vessels  that  he  brought  with 
him  for  the  temple  (chap,  viii  15-36)  ;  finally  in  chap.  ix.  respecting  his  action  against  the 
intermarriage  with  heathen  women  or  men,  especially  respecting  his  prayer  that  he  made 
with  reference  to  this  matter.  Chap.  ix.  introduces  Ezra's  activity  in  Jerusalem.  It  is  true 
it  seems  to  treat  only  of  a  particular  part  of  his  activity;  but  this  is  yet  in  truth  the  founda- 
tion of  all  the  rest,  yea,  it  already  involves  the  rest  to  a  certain  extent:  it  is  tbe  strengthening 
of  the  life  of  the  congregation  in  the  law  ;  only  it  is  merely  the  negative  side,  which  alone 
could  be  undertaken  at  once,  namely,  the  separation  of  the  congregation  from  heathenism 
and  from  the  life  of  the  heathen.  The  author  himself,  as  it  stems,  again  takes  tbe  word  in 
chap.  x.  in  order  to  append  what  success  Ezra  had  at  first  with  the  heads,  but  then  also,  when 
they  had  called  all  the  Jew*  to-ethcr  to  Jerusalem,  with  the  great  congregation,  how  he  ob- 
tained theso'erm  promise  of  all,  to  dismiss  the  heathen  women  and  its  fulfilment.  But  even 
here  there  follows  again  a  list,  which  he  doubtless  had  come  upon  in  some  way,  namely,  an 


C  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OP  EZRA.  AND  NEHEMIAH. 

enumeration  of  all  those  who  had  married  heathen  women,  and  now  dismissed  them.  The 
whole  is  divided  into  two  parts,  thp  first  part  again  into  three  sections,  and  the  second  part 
into  two  sections;  each  of  these  sections,  however,  amounts  to  a  principal  document. 

Part  I.    Tlie  Temple  as  the  place  of  the  Lord  (times  before  Ezra).     Chaps,  i.-vi. 

Section  1.   The  most  important  foundations.     Chaps,  i.  and  ii. 

Chap.  i.  The  permission  to  build,  and  those  who  returned  for  this  purpose. 

Chap.  ii.  The  document  respecting  the  names  of  the  returning. 

Section  2.   The  first  effort.     Chaps,  iii.  and  iv. 

Chap.  iii.  Re-establishment  of  the  altar  and  the  preparation  for  building  the  temple. 

Chap.  iv.  The  interruption  and  a  document  respecting  the  machinations  of  the  enemies. 

Section  3.   The  renewal  and  completion  of  the  work.     Chaps,  v.  and  vi. 

Chap.  v.  The  renewal  of  the  work  and  the  report  of  the  officers  to  Darius. 

Chap.  vi.    Darius'  answer,  with  the  completion  of  the  temple.     The  Passover  feast. 

Part  II.     The  congregation  as  the  people  of  the  Lord.     Nega'ive  strengthening  of  their  Vfe.  in 
the  law  (Ezra's  activity).     Chaps,  vii.-x. 

Section  1.    Ezra's  emigration  to  Jerusalem.     Chaps,  vii.-viii. 
Chap.  vii.  Ezra's  journ  y  and  purpose,  and  Artaxerxes'  letter  of  authority. 
Chap.  viii.  Ezra's  own  e'ecumentcry  report  (his  companions,  their  completion  and  journey). 
Section  2.  The  chief  fault  of  that  time,  and  its  removal.     Chap,  ix.-x. 
Chap.  ix.  Chief  fault  of  that  period,  and  Ezra's  penitential  prayer  on  that  account. 
Chap.  x.  The  removal  of  that  fault,  and  documentary  list  of  those  who  purified  them- 
selves from  it. 

In  the  book  of  Nehemiah  the  entire  first  part,  chaps,  i.  to  vii.,  is  devoted  to  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  walls  of  the  city  by  Nehemiah,  in  spite  of  many  hinderances  and  disappointments, 
but  throughout  taken  from  a  documentary  written  source,  namely,  from  Nehemiah's  own 
memorial.  The  second  part  then  occupies  itself  wi  h  the  congregation,  in  order  now  to  give 
an  account  of  the  further  activity  of  Ezra  with  reference  to  it,  or  rather  its  results,  the  posi- 
tive strengthening  of  the  congregation  in  the  life  in  the  law,  which  led  to  the  renewal  of  the 
covenant  relation  between  the  people  and  God;  since,  however,  he  adduces  the  names  of  the 
families  belonging  to  it,  he  runs  out  into  traditional  lists.  The  third  part  describes  the 
dedication  of  the  city  walls  and  the  removal  of  various  evils  in  that  period;  the  latter  is  aiain 
accompanied  with  the  documentary  words  of  Nehemiah  himself.  The  three  chief  parts  may 
be  again  divided  each  into  two  sections,  so  that  the  following  summary  results  : 

Part  I.     The  city  as  the  place  of  the  congregation.     Re-establishment  of  the  city  walls  and  list 
of  the  first  emigrants.     Chaps,  i.-vii. 

Section  1.    How  the  re-establishment  of  the  city  walls  came  about.     Chaps,  i.-iii. 

Chap.  i.  Nehemiah  hears  of  the  sad  condition  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  and  prays  to  the 
Lord  for  help. 

Chap.  ii.  He  asks  permission  of  Artaxerxes,  and  journeys  with  authority  from  him  to 
Jerusalem.  There  he  brings  about  the  resolution  to  re-establish  the  walls,  in  spite  of  the 
adversaries  of  the  Jews. 

Chap.  iii.  Each  family  of  the  congregation  undertakes  a  certain  portion  of  the  work. 

Section  2.   How  Nehemiah  overcame  all  difficulties.     Chaps,  iv.-vii. 

Chap.  iv.  The  difficulties  from  without:  Sanballat,  Tobia,  etc.,  threaten  to  fall  upon  the 
Jews  with  force  of  arms ;  Nehemiah  organizes  against  them  a  troop  of  warriors,  and  also 
arms  the  laborers  themselves. 

f  hap.  v.  The  difficulties  from  within ;  the  poor  complain  of  oppression  on  the  part  of 
the  rich ;  Nehemiah  does  away  with  usury,  and  works  through  the  example  of  his  own  un- 
selfishness. 


I  2.    SOURCES,  COMPOSITION,  AND  AUTHENTICITY. 


Chap.  vi.  The  difficulties  that  arise  from  the  co-operation  of  external  and  internal  factors. 
Sanballat  frightens  the  Jews,  as  if  Nehemiah  stood  in  the  odor  of  a  rebel.  The  prophet 
Shemaiah  attempted  in  the  pay  of  Sanballat  to  deprive  Nehemiah  himself  of  courage,  as  if  a 
real  danger  threatened  him  ;  the  companions  of  Tobia  carry  on  tale-bearing.  But  all  these 
efforts  fail  on  account  of  Nehemiah's  foresight. 

Chap.  vii.  Nehemiah  completes  the  building  of  the  walls,  and  gives  a  review  of  the  first 
emigrants  after  the  exile. 

Part  II.  Ttie  congregation  as  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  God.  Positive  strengthening  of  their 
life  in  the  law  by  the  renewal  of  the.  covenant  between  them  and  God,  and  list  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  congregation.     Chaps,  viii.-xii.  26. 

Sect.  1,  The  history  of  the  renewal  of  the  covenant.     Chaps,  viii.-x. 

Chap.  viii.  The  reading  of  the  law  under  the  leadership  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  leads  at 
first  to  a  feast  of  tabernacles  according  to  the  law,  and  then 

Chap,  ix.,  to  a  prayer  for  grace  and  redemption  from  the  afflictions  that  were  still  present  j 
finally, 

Chap,  x.,  to  a  renewal  of  the  covenant  under  conditio- s  then  particularly  important,  and 
indeed  for  many  heads  of  families,  who  are  especially  adduced. 

Sect.  2.  The  constituent  parts  of  the  entire  congregation  at  that  time.   Chaps,  xi.-xii.  26. 

Chap.  xi.  The  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  at  the  same  time  of  the  other  cities  of 
Judah. 

Chap.  xii.  The  priests  and  Levites,  at  first  the  earlier  families  who  had  already  come  up 
with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua,  vers.  1-11,  and  then  also  the  later  ones,  vers.  12-26. 

Part  III.    The  city  and  the  congregation.     Dedication  of  the  city  walls.     Removal  of  various 
evils  in  the  life  of  the  congregation.     Chaps,  xii.  27-xiii.  31. 
Sect.  1.  Dedication  of  the  city  walls.     Chap.  xii.  27-43. 
Sect.  2.  Kemoval  of  various  evils  in  the  life  of  the  congregation.   Chaps,  xii.  44-xiiL  31. 

|  2.  sources,  composition  and  authenticity. 
1.  Sources. — There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  author  really  had  original  documents  and 
sources  before  him,  and  introduced  them  unchanged  in  his  narrative,  to  a  great  extent.  That 
the  list  of  names  in  Ezra  ii.  is  such  an  original  document  is  the  less  to  be  disputed  that  already 
Nehemiah  came  upon  it  as  an  ancient  piece  of  writing  and  used  it  in  chap.  vii.  6-73.  It 
must  have  been  comp  sed  already  in  the  earliest  times  of  the  re-establishment  of  the  congre- 
gation. The  same  is  true  with  reference  to  the  letters  that  are  given  in  chaps,  iv.-vi.,  and  that 
constitute  the  principal  contents  of  the  statements  there  made.  Many  interpreters  even  regard 
it  as  very  probable  that  the  few  verses  of  a  historical  character  that  introduce  the  letters  in 
chaps,  iv.-vi.,  or  unite  them  with  one  another,  were  taken  from  other  sources,  namely,  a  Chal- 
dee  history  of  the  building  of  the  temple.  Yet  the  reasons  given  therefor  are  not  very  tena- 
ble, whilst  those  that  are  adduced  against  this  view,  are  well  worthy  of  attention.  They 
appeal  to  the  Chaldee  language  of  these  verses,  which  our  author  would  have  had  no  occasion 
to  use  himself.  But  perhaps  he  found  some  of  these  verses  as  an  introductory  superscription 
already  on  the  letters  themselves;  the  others,  however,  which  he  himself  added  and  inserted 
between  Chaldee  passages,  would  have  made  the  narrative  too  much  mixed,  if  he  had  wished 
to  write  in  Hebrew.  They  also  appeal  to  the  fact  that  the  first  person  is  used  in  chap.  v.  4, 
"  then  we  spake  to  them  "  (the  Persian  officers),  whereby  the  writing  shows  itself  to  be  a  work 
composed  long  before,  by  a  man  who  participated  in  the  building  of  the  temple  in  the  time 
of  Darius  Hystaspis,  whilst  the  work  as  a  whole  could  have  originated  only  at  a  far  later  pe- 
riod. But  the  correctness  of  this  first  person  is  very  doubtful,  as  we  will  see  in  the  exegesis  of 
chap.  v.  4.  Still  further  they  appeal  to  the  fact  that  there  occur  here  statements  respecting 
names,  close  accounts  of  transactions  and  individuals,  which,  a3  Bertheau  says,  must  have 
been  derived  altogether  from  written  documents.  Nevertheless  there  is  nothing  further  in  this 
respect  than  what  is  suggested  by  the  letters.     On  the  other  hand,  already  in  chap.  vi.  14, 


8  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OP  EZRA  AND  NEHEMTAH 

Artaxerxes  is  mentioned  alongside  of  Cyrus  and  Darius,  as  one  of  the  Persian  kings,  through 
whose  favor  the  Jews  had  re-established  the  temple,  which  shows  at  least  that  this  piece  can- 
not have  been  written  already  in  the  time  of  Darius,  but  at  the  earliest  in  the  time  of  Arta- 
xerxes. This  name  must  then  have  been  added  at  the  later  revision,  at  which  time  also  Ar- 
taxerxes seemed  well  worthy  of  mention.  In  vers.  16-18  furthermore,  in  the  closing  verse  of 
the  Chaldee  section,  the  dedication  of  the  temple,  especially  in  ver.  17,  the  offering  of  sacri- 
fices, in  ver.  18,  the  arrangement  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  are  spoken  of  in  such  a  manner,  and 
besides  the  arrangement  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  in  accordance  with  the  law,  is  so  expressly 
emphasized,  as  is  peculiar  only  to  our  author  himself  (comp.  the  parallel  passages  brought 
forward  upon  the  verses  in  question).  Finally,  the  24th  ver.  of  chap,  iv.,  which  refers  back  to 
ver.  5,  has  manifestly  been  added  by  the  same  person  who  in  vers.  6-23  has  given  the  letter 
of  Artaxerxes  before.  That  this,  however,  was  done  by  our  author  himself,  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  since  it  only  commended  itself  thus  to  his  purposes  and  arrangement. — Again,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  lists  of  names,  as  they  are  given  further  in  the  book  of  Ezra  (chaps,  viii. 
and  x.)  especially,  however,  in  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  were  already  met  with  as  ancient  pieces 
of  writing,  is  not  only  said  by  the  author  himself  quite  plainly,  since  he  speaks  of  different 
registrations  of  the  Levites  at  different  times  (Neh.  xii.  23),  but  is  likewise  in  itself  probable, 
and  is  all  the  more  sure,  that  a  part  of  the  register  given  in  Neh.  xi.  3-36,  occurs  also  in  1 
Chron.  ix.  3-33,  and  indeed  with  many  deviations,  which  is  best  explained  from  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  author  fou'-.d  the  same  writing  in  different  places  and  in  different  forms. 

It  is  only  questionable,  whether  in  Ezra  vii.  27  sq.  likewise,  we  may  speak  of  an  original 
document,  or  whether  the  author  of  that  which  could  be  regarded  as  such,  that  is,  Ezra,  speak- 
ing of  himself  in  the  first  person,  must  be  regarded  as  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  second 
part,  and  accordingly  also,  as  the  Rabbinical  tradition  will  have  it,  the  author  of  the  entire 
book.     This  leads  us  to  our  second  point. 

2.  Composition. — That  Ezra  wrote  a  narrative  of  his  journey  to  Jerusalem,  and  what  he 
accomplished  there,  is  clear  from  the  passages  in  which  the  first  person  is  used,  without  doubt. 
Yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that,  against  the  view  still  advocated  by  Keil  [Pusey,  Rawlinson, 
Wordsworth],  that  Ezra  is  the  proper  author  of  the  book  named  after  him,  many  very 
weighty  arguments  are  opposed,  which  make  it  more  probable  that  a  later  author  compiled 
our  book,  as  we  now  have  it,  with  the  use  of  Ezra's  writing.  In  general  against  Ezra  as  the 
author,  is  the  incompleteness,  we  might  say  the  fragmentary  character  of  the  second  part ; 
Ezra  himself  would,  we  should  suppose,  have  communicated  something  more,  and  something 
more  systematic  respecting  his  work  in  Jerusalem  We  learn  from  our  book  only  the  one 
thing,  that  he  opposed  the  intermarriage  with  the  heathen,  whilst  yet  he  was  empowered  to 
undertake  a  far  more  comprehensive  work.  More  in  detail  comes  into  consideration,  espe- 
cially the  circumstance,  that  in  the  genealogy  of  Ezra  (vii.  1-5)  his  immediate  ancestors  arc 
passed  over,  that  at  once  the  high-priest  Seraiah,  who  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  exile,  is 
mentioned,  since  the  design  without  doubt  was  to  make  him  known  above  all  as  a  descendant 
of  the  high-priestly  family.  Ezra  himself  would  rather  have  been  led  by  filial  reverence  to 
mention  his  own  father  before  all.  Furthermore  we  are  struck  by  the  honorable  mention  of 
Ezra  in  chap.  vii.  6,  that  he  was  a  1'nn  130,  a  skilful  scribe,*  then  also  the  circumstance,  that 
chap.  vii.  anticipates  chap,  viii.,  so  that  there  is  a  repetition,  which  is  only  natural,  if  the 
author  in  chap.  viii.  yet  again  cites  from  an  original  document  the  same  thing  that  he  had 
already  previously  briefly  mentioned  in  chap.  vii. ;  furthermore  the  fact,  that  in  chap.  vii.  1 
sq.  the  third  person  is  used,f  first  in  chap.  vii.  27  sq.  the  first  person, — -finally  and  especially 

*  [Pusey,  p.  339 :  "  It  is  added  merely  that  he  was  a  ready,  fluent  expositor  of  it.  He  mentions  of  himself, 
what  others  have  observed  of  him  in  the  books  of  Chronicles,  that  tho  law  of  his  God  was  tho  great  study  of  his 
life,  and  that  he  made  progress  in  it.  Perhaps  ho  meant,  as  one  of  the  Psalmists,  whose  expression  he  used, 
said  before  him.  that  he  was  a  "ready  writer"  of  whal  he  was  taught  by  God,  ascribing  to  himself  only  that  he 
was,  what  he  was,  the  instrument  of  God." — Tr.] 

f  [Rawlinson  in  loco:  '*  But  exactly  parallel  changes  of  person  occur  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  (c.  e\,  the  third 
person  from  i.  to  vii.  2,  the  first  from  vii.  2-ix.  27 ;  the  third  in  x.  1,  and  the  first  from  x.  2  to  the  end\  which  thero 
Is  good  reason  to  regard  as  tho  work  of  Daniel  himself,  and  not  of  a  compiler;  changes  too,  not  very  dissimilar 
occur  in  the  nearly  contemporary  Greek  writer  Thucydidos.    Thucydides  begins  his  history  in  the  third  person 


I  2.    SOURCES,  COMPOSITION,  AND  AUTHENTICITY. 


this  fact,  that  the  book  of  Ezra  has  so  many  thirgs  in  common  with  the  Chronicles  in  111  - 
manner  of  expression,  and  at  the  same  time  in  many  matters  of  fact,  as  the  preference 
for  the  different  Levities!  officials  in  the  sanctuary,  especially  for  musicians  and  door- 
keepers, besides  the  interest  in  genealogies  and  registers  of  names.  This  is  shown  in  the  Com. 
of  Zoeckler  upon  the  Chronicles,  Introduction,  \  2.  The  view  in  recent  times  wide-spread  an  1 
discussed  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Chronicles,  ty  2  and  3,  by  Zoeckler  that  the  author  of 
Chronicles  at  the  same  time  brought  Ezra,  yea  also  N.hemiah  into  the  present  form  in  win  -'.\ 
we  have  them,  has  decidedly  the  most  reasons  in  its  favor.  If  it  were  really  a  fact,  that  the 
observed  resemblances  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  throughout  occurred  even  in  the  original  docu- 
ments and  written  sources  with  entire  indifference,  then  they  would  not  have  to  be  regarded 
as  individual  peculiarities  of  a  common  author,  but  be  ascribed  in  general  to  the  later  period, 
to  which  the  books  in  question  belong,  especially  if  they  likewise  occurred  in  other  writings 
of  essentially  the  same  period.  But  this  is  true  of  only  a  proportionally  few  of  them,  as  for 
example  with  the  expressions  brought  forward  by  Keil,  HT2,  72j">  and  '2>'  'J1 'N  \3  (the  last  is 
not  found  indeed  in  other  books,  but  in  the  written  sources,  Ezra  vii.  28;  viii.  18,  22,  31,  as 
well  as  in  vii.  (3-9,  and  besides  Neh.  ii.  S  \.  By  far  the  most  of  them  occur,  as  we  must  at  once 
remark,  if  we  review  the  passages  cited  by  Zoeckler  iu  the  Introduct.  to  Chronicles,  \  2,  not 
to  speak  of  Chronicles,  on  the  one  side,  in  Ezra  i.  and  iii.,  as  well  also  in  the  other  passages 
not  presenting  themselves  as  original  documents  or  sources,  and  on  the  other  side  in  Neh. 
vKi.-x.  Here  belong  most  decidedly  these  very  phenomena  of  the  language,  which  may  be 
regarded  most  properly  as  idiomatic  expressions  of  the  books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehe- 
miah; thus  the  expression,  DTDJ7"  "■  2  Chron.  iss.  1G ;  xxxv.  10;  Neh.  viii.  7  ;  ix.  3 ;  xiii. 
ll,_rri-n.  1  Chron.  xvi.  27;  Ezra  vi.  16;  Neh.  viii.  10— "TIS3  =  goblet,  1  Chron.  xxviii.  17  ; 
Ezra  i.  10;  viii.  27;  p'TPoS-TJ?,  2  Chron.  xxvi.  15;  Ezra  iii.  13;  T\h*,  of  divisions  of  the  Le- 
vites,  2  Chron.  xxxv.  5;  Ezra  vi.  18;  so  also  termini,  which  emphasize  the  being  iu  accord- 
ance with  the  law,  which  in  the  later  period  seem  so  particularly  important,  especially 
B3»S3,  1  Chron.  xxiii.  31 ;  2  Chron.  xxxv.  13 ;  xxx.  16 ;  Ezra  iii.  4 ;  Neh.  viii.  18,  for  which 
in  the  older  writings  rPl'RS  3?f\33  occurs  frequently,  furthermore  liturgical  formula,  as 
nin'S  iS^ni  rfln,  l  Chron.  xvi.  4  ;  xxiii.  30  ;  xxv.  3,  etc.  ;  Ezra  iii.  11,  *AnSl  nflfrlS,  and  "  that 
Jehovah  is  good,  and  his  mercy  endure  h  forever,''  1  Chron.  xvi.  34,  41;  2  Chron.  v.  13; 
Ezra  iii.  11, — the  standing  expressions  in  connection  with  descriptions  of  festivals  and  the 
like :  nnpifS,  1  Chron.  xii.  40,  etc. ;  Ezra  iii.  12  ;  and  TH  '"V-Si'.  1  Chron.  xxv.  2,  6  ;  Ezra  iii. 
1  '.—finally,  the  official  names  of  the  musicians  and  servants  in  the  temple  that  only  occur 
in  our  books,  D*"1"lt0p  [Pfl72fa  and  D'J'fU-  But  even  those  phenomena,  which  seem  in  general 
to  belong  to  the  later  language  on  the  whole,  because  they  are  found  here  and  there  in  other 
books  likewise,  are  found  besides  in  the  Chronicles,  at  least  pre-eminently  in  those  very  parts 
of  our  books  under  consideration.  To  these  belong  1),  the  brief  method  of  subordination  of  the 
relative  clauses,  together  with  their  collocation  after  a  stat.  eonstr.,  1  Chron.  xxix.  3;  2  Chron. 
xxxi.  19;  Ezra  i.  5;  Neh.  viii.  10;  2)  the  case  of  the  icfin.  with  ?,  in  order  to  express  a  poten- 
tial mood,  1  Chron.  v.  1  ;  ix.  25;  yiii.  4,  et  at.;  Ezra  iv.  3 ;  x.  12;  Neh.  viii.  13;  3)  the  ex- 
traordinarily frequent  use  of  the  preposition  7  partly  before  the  object  as  nota  accusalivi, 
part'y  after  an  accusative,  to  continue  it,  1  Chron.  xxviii.  1,  etc.;  Neh.  ix.  32,  as  especially 
before  ^3i  when  in  enumerations  everything  is  to  be  included,  1  Chron.  xiii.  1 ;  2  Chron.  v. 
12;  Ezra  i.  5  (certainly  moreover  also  vii.  28)  ;  Neh.  xi.  2,  after  the  preposition  "TJJ.,  1  Chron. 
xxviii.  7,  20,  etc.;  Ezra  iii.  13  ;  x.  14  (moreover  also  ix.  4,  6) ;  4)  the  redundant  use  of  prepo- 
sitions in  general,  e.  g.,  in  expressions  like  Dai'3,  Neh.  ix.  19;  5)  the  use  of  the  article  bef  re 
a  verb  instead  of  the  relative  pronoun,  1  Chron.  xxvi.  28;  xxix.  8,  17,  etc. :  Ezra  viii.  25 ;  x. 
14,  17;  Neh.  ix.  33. 

i.  1  .  and  ehni-es  to  t'-.e  first  alter  a  few  chap'.jra  (i.  2>22).     Further  on,  in  book  iv.,  he  resumes  the   third 
l  Iu  book  v.  i;  he  b;;ins  iu  the  third,  but  runs  on  into  the  first,  which  he  again  uses  in  book  vii. 

97.--TR.]  1 


10  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OP  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH. 

The  manner  iu  which  the  section  Nek.  viii  1  sq.  is  connected  with  Chronicles  and  Ezra  on 
the  one  side  and  on  the  other  is  distinguished  from  the  rest  of  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  is  in  a  criti- 
cal point  of  view  very  important.  In  order  to  carry  out  the  latter  point,  how  it  separates  itself 
from  the  rest  of  the  book,  we  might  already  bring  into  consideration  the  subject-matter  itself. 
This  is  not  only  suddenly  entirely  different  from  the  previous  context,  since  it  no  longer 
treats  of  the  strengthening  of  the  city  wall  and  the  like,  but  treats  of  religious  acts,  but  it 
seems  almost  as  if  we  might  first  have  expected  something  else  instead  of  it.  Nehemiah  in 
chap.  vii.  has  given  an  account  of  the  completion  of  the  building  of  the  walls;  it  is  singular 
that  there  is  no  reference  here  to  the  dedication  of  the  walls,  but  that  this  comes  only  after- 
wards in  xii.  27  as  supplementary.  In  chap.  vii.  4  he  has  mentioned  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  were  too  few;  it  is  singu'ar  that  their  increase  is  first  intimated  in  xi.  1,  and  indeed 
only  incidentally.  It  is  very  true  that  the  book,  as  it  now  is,  has  a  tolerable  continuity,  since 
the  author  allows  himself  to  make  use  of  the  remark  respecting  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem 
in  vii.  4,  as  an  occasion  for  going  over  from  the  securing  the  safety  of  the  capital,  of  which 
he  had  previously  written,  to  the  congregation  and  its  organization,  in  order  further  on  to 
mention  the  increase  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  dedication  of  the  walls,  merely  as  a  supple- 
ment, and  as  it  were  incidentally.  Nevertheless  this  kind  of  progress  of  thought  compared 
with  the  first  part,  has  something  surprising  in  it.  It  seems  as  if  here  suddenly  a  point  of 
view  was  taken,  which  for  the  previous  part  of  the  work  bad  originally  not  been  considered 
important.  But  besides  this  there  are  still  many  other  circumstances  which  render  the  dif- 
ference of  subject  here  very  significant.  1.  Nehemiah  very  suddenly  ceases  to  speak  of  him- 
self in  the  first  person.  2.  He  here  in  general  retires  to  the  background,  whilst  Ezra,  who  is 
mentioned  in  the  book  of  Nehemiah  elsewhere  only  at  the  dedication  of  the  walls  incidentally 
(xii.  23),  is  the  chief  person.  Nehemiah  occurs  only  as  supplementary,  and  indeed  only  twice, 
viii.  9;  x.  2.  3.  He  bears  here  both  times  the  title  of  "the  Tirshatha,"  whilst  in  v.  14,  15, 
18,  he  is  called  "  Pechah."  4.  Whilst  the  chiefs  are  called  ii.  10  ;  iv.  8,  13 ;  v.  7,  17  ;  vi.  17 ; 
vii.  5;  xii.  40;  xiii.  11,  D'*in  and  D^J3,  the  term  n'UNrvtyso  occurs  in  viii.  13.  5.  The  ex- 
pressions peculiar  and  usual  to  Nehemiah  are  missing,  as  "according  to  God's  hand  over 
me,"  comp.  ii.  8  and  18 ;  furthermore,  "  God  gave  to  me  in  my  heart,"  comp.  ii.  12  and 
vii.  5.  Even  Kleixert  (Dorp,  thcol.  Beitr.  I.,  S.  114  sqq.)  and  H^veexick  [Einleit. 
II.  1,  S.  305  sqq  )  find  it  probable  that  there  was  another  author  for  vii.  73  b—x.  40;  they 
suppose  that  this  section  was  not  composed  by  Nehemiah,  but  by  Ezra  as  the  leader  of  the 
religious  transactions  here  described,  and  was  only  appropriated  by  Nehemiah.*  But,  6. 
The  author  speaks  also  of  the  times  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  as  past,  yea,  considers  likewise  the 
times  subsequent  to  Nehemiah,  Neh.  xii.  11,  22,  and  thereby  makes  himself  known,  as  be 
does  likewise  in  Chronicles  as  a  later  writer,  as  will  be  still  more  evident  when  we  consider 
the  time  of  its  composition.  The  grounds  adduced  by  Keil  for  the  traditional  view  that 
Neh.  viii.-x.  comes  from  the  same  hand  as  the  rest  of  the  book,  namely,  from  Nehemiah 
himself,  have  little  significance.  That  the  previous  threads  of  thought  in  Neh.  viii.  have 
been  allowed  so  entirely  to  fall,  yea,  to  be  broken  off,  is  to  be  explained,  says  he,  simply  and 
artlessly  from  the  succession  of  the  things  narrated  in  time,  as  if  the  order  in  time  could  not 
yield  at  times  to  the  logical  order  of  facts,  yea,  in  such  cases  as  the  present  must  not  yield 
What  would  have  hindered  the  author  in  such  a  case,  if,  for  the  sake  of  chronological  order, 
k>  would  have  come  to  the  public  reading  of  the  law  in  viii.  sq.,  from  reserving  the  state- 
ment, that  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  were  few,  and  therefore  also  the  list  of  the  exiles 
who  first  returned,  for  another  place,  where  he  then  could  have  spoken  at  once  of  the  increase 
of  the  inhabitants?  That  Nehemiah  suddenly  steps  so  decidedly  into  the  back-ground  with 
r-spect  to  Ezra,  he  says,  has  its  ground  in  the  fact  that  Nehemiah  as  civil  governor  was  not 
authorized  to  lead  t!ie  religious  feast  here  narrated  which  alone  belonged  to  the  priest  and 
a  ribe  Ezra  (—at  first  it  speaks  only  of  the  public  reading  of  the  law,  which  Nehemiah 
might  have  very  well  occasioned,—),  that  he  here  rather  could  only  co-operate  subordinate!)' 


♦  [IUvunsok  in  loco  conjectures  here  that  Zadok  (or  Zidkijah),  Nehemiah's  scribe,  or  secretary,  was  the  au- 
'-witneso  of  the  proceedings. — T»J 


\  2.   SOURCES,  COMPOSITION,  AND  AUTHENTICITY.  11 


*s  membrum  prcecipuum  eeclesiae  I*raeltiicsc.  But  if  it  were  really  so,  the  question  would  at 
once  arise,  how  is  it  that  Nehemiah  narrates  here  something  in  which  he  had  so  little  t<>  do, 
since  he  elsewhere  limits  himself  entirely  to  that  which  had  been  urged  and  brought  about 
by  himself.  Moreover,  under  all  circumstance*,  the  failure  of  the  first  person,  which  is  else- 
where so  consistently  retained  in  the  writings  of  Nehemiah,  is  not  explained.  When  KEIL 
refers  to  xii.  27  sq.,  where  he  says  not  "  we,"  but  "  they  sought  the  Levitcs,''  to  prove  that 
Nehemiah  might  very  well  put  others  in  the  foreground  in  connection  with  facts  that  did  not 
originate  primarily  with  himself,  this  very  section  suffices  with  reference  to  the  principal 
point  for  a  very  decisive  counter  argument.  For  notwithstanding  Nehemiah  does  not  stand 
so  much  in  the  foreground  as  a  matter  of  course  as  elsewhere,  yet  he  uses  the  first  person  in 
vers.  3 1  and  38  even  in  this  connection.  What  Keil  says  respecting  the  Tirshatha  and  Rashe 
haaboth  deserves  no  mention.  With  the  different  character  of  the  section,  Neh.  viii.-.\.,  if 
critical  probability  is  worth  anything,  we  are  to  suppose  that  here  anotber  author  has  sup- 
plemented Nehemiah's  writing,  whether  from  another  d  cument  or  from  tradition.  Who 
this  was  cannot  remain  in  doubt  in  connection  with  the  similarity  of  the  style  that  is  mani- 
fest here,  in  the  book  of  Ezra  and  in  the  Chronicles. 

The  question  whether  this  author  is  to  be  regarded  moreover  a3  the  editor  or  the  proper 
author  of  our  two  books,  i3  answered  from  the  foregoing  of  itself.  It  is  possible,  that  already 
Ezra,  when  he  described  his  journey  to  Jerusalem,  and  his  principal  work  there,  likewise 
collected  the  original  documents  respecting  the  previous  times,  and  placed  them,  provided 
with  historical  introductions,  before  his  book.  Yet  we  ha^e  no  right  to  derive  from  him  in 
our  present  book,  any  more  than  chap,  vii  22,  28,  and  chap.  viii. — ix.  15,  that  is,  any  more 
th-.nthe  passages,  which  show  clearly  by  the  first  person  that  they  were  written  by  him, 
which  thereby  distinguish  themselves  from  all  the  other  passages,  especially  from  chap.  vii. 
1-10,  and  chap.  x.  Whatever  is  not  as  chap.  ii.  -1,  8-23,  an  original  document,  or  as  chap.  v. 
5,  6,  12,  chaps,  viii.  and  ix.  sources,  whatever  serves  as  introduction  to  the  original  document 
or  sources,  as  especially  chaps,  i.  and  iii.  and  v.  1-10,  bears  the  stamp  of  the  so-called  chroni- 
cler, or  at  least  of  his  time.  When  Keil,  in  order  to  show  that  the  whole,  and  therefore  also 
the  tenth  chap,  was  composed  by  Ezra,  raises  the  question,  what  could  have  determined  the 
author  to  break  off  the  further  communication  of  the  memoir  of  Ezra  at  the  end  of  chap.  ix. 
and  narrate  the  end  of  the  transaction  in  his  own  words, — criticism  would  not  be  required  tc 
answer  this  question,  unless  it  knew  something  more  of  the  memoir  of  Ezra  than  it  can  know 
at  present.  Now  we  may  think  of  various  reasons.— With  more  propriety  the  book  of  Ne- 
hemiah might  be  spoken  of  as  merely  edited.  Since  however  the  last  author  has  inserted 
chaps,  viii.— x.,  and  indeed  for  the  most  part  with  the  help  of  his  own  literary  activity,  he 
must  be  designated  here  at  least  as  a  supplemented  Although  he  already  had  before  him 
the  book  of  Ezra,  and  so  also  a  book  of  Nehemiah,  yet  the  form  of  these  books,  as  it  lies  be- 
fore us,  originated  first  with  him,  and  the  design  which  he  on  his  part  pursued  in  his  literary 
activity.  Perhaps  he  had  also  transformed,  to  some  extent,  the  text  cf  the  registers  an  1  ori- 
ginal documents,  which  he  reproduced  in  his  work  here  and  there  in  accordance  with  his 
method,  as  it  may  perhaps  be  seen,  for  example  in  Ezra  ii.  G8  sq  ,  in  comparison  with  Neh 
vii.  71  sq.,  and  so  also  Ezra  vi.  16-18,  if  here  an  authority  has  been  really  used. 

The  question,  when  this  last  and  real  author  actually  lived,  has  already  been  answered 
by  Zoeckler  (in  his  introduction  to  the  books  of  Chronicles),  who,  it  is  true,  with  reference 
to  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  regards  him  only  as  an  editor.  In  Neh.  xii.  10,11,22  and  23,  the  line 
of  high-priest  is  carried  down  to  Jaddua,  who,  according  to  Josephes'  statement,  not  to  be 
d  mbted  here  [Antiqu.  XI.  10)  held  his  office  in  the  time  of  Alexander  t'.ie  Great.  Keil's 
supposition  that  the  author  had  known  Jaddua  not  yet  as  high-priest,  but  only  as  a  child, 
and  had  men  ioned  him  merely  as  grandson  of  the  last  high-priest  of  his  own  time,  Joiada, 
is  already  in  itself  improbable,  and  besides  has  against  it  the  fact  that  the  same  person  is 
mentioned  with  the  others  as  one  in  whose  days  the  Levites  were  recorded.  It  seems  that 
the  meaning  of  ver  22  is  that  under  the  four  high-priests  EHashib,  Joiada,  Johananand  Jad- 
dua, four  registrations  of  Levitcs  had  been  made.  Keil  understands,  it  is  tru  \  that  only  one 
occurred,  namely,  under  Eliashib  and  Joiada,  and  the  others  are  mentioned  merely  because 


12  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZR  V  AND  NEHEMIAH. 

they  then  already  lived.  But  this  supposition  is  too  clearly  a  mere  evasion  of  the  difficulty. 
If  immediately  afterwards  only  the  one  record  of  priests,  which  was  made  in  the  time  of  Da- 
rius, is  me-  tioned,  this  is  to  he  explained  from  the  fact  that  this  one  chiefly,  yea  exclusively 
comes  into  consideration  for  the  author,  since  he  according  to  the  entire  context,  would  men- 
tion only  those  belonging  to  the  times  of  the  beginning — :it  all  events  those  living  up  to  the 
time  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah — as  he  then  also  in  chap.  xii.  1-11  expressly  names  only  tboss 
of  the  time  of  Zerubbabel,  and  then  in  ver.  12  sq.,  only  those  of  the  times  immediately  fal- 
lowing Joiakim,  and  in  ver.  26,  after  mentioning  the  heads  of  the  Levites,  expressly  adds 
that  he  thereb?  had  given  only  those  of  the  time  of  Joiakim  and  Nehemiah. — This  mark  of 
a  late  period  of  composition  that  has  been  adduced,  stands,  it  is  true,  somewhat  apart  by 
itself,  and  would  not  signify  much  if  anything  else  contradicted  it;  we  might  readily  suppose 
that  the  names  of  the  later  high-priests  (and  an  also  those  of  the  later  posterity  of  Zerubba- 
bel in  1  Chron.  iii.  19-24)  were  subsequently  added  as  a  supplement  by  a  late  hand  ;  but  since 
there  is  nothing  of  the  kind,  since  on  the  contrary  the  times  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  are 
spoken  of  as  of  a  previous  period,  and  of  themselves  as  of  persons  of  the  past  in  Neh.  xii.  23, 
27,  so  the  probability  is,  so  far  as  it  can  bo  established  by  criticism,  that  the  author  was  one 
who  at  the  earliest  lived  in  the  time  of  Jaddua,*  at  the  end  of  the  Persian  or  the  beginning 
of  the  Greek  supremacy.  [RAWLINSON  in  loco  thinks  that  Ezra,  "  who  seems  to  have  had  only 
a  temporary  commission  (vii.  14),  returned  to  the  Persian  court  when  he  had  carried 
through  the  matter  of  the  marriage,  and  either  a  1  ttle  before  or  a  little  after  his  return  wrote 
the  Book  which  has  come  down  to  us."  He  thus  accounts  for  the  abrupt  conclusion  of  the 
book,  and  gives  the  date  as  457  or  6.  With  regard  to  Nehemiah  he  thinks  that  it  is  most 
probable  that  the  various  sections  of  the  book  of  Nehemiah  "  were  collecte  1  by  Nehemiah 
himself,  who  had  written,  at  any  rate,  two  of  them  (i.-vii.  5  and  xii.  27-xiii.  31).  The  date 
of  the  compilation  would  be  about  B.  C.  430."— Tr.] 

3.  Authenticity. — Already  the  style  of  composition,  and  also  the  kind  of  contents  and  the 
method  of  stating  them,  testifies  that  the  author,  even  if  he  wrote  a  hundred  or  more  years 
after  Nehemiah,  in  general  pursued  a  method  that  was  entirely  historical.  We  have  seen 
that  he  supports  almost  every  important  event  that  he  narrates,  with  orL-inal  documents,  or 
presents  it  in  the  language  of  the  written  authorities.  There  is  not  the  least  occasion  for 
doubt  with  reference  to  the  historical  character  of  the  original  documents  and  written  autho- 
rities. There  is  only  one  point  that  can  be  questioned,  having  no  confirmatory  document, 
unless  we  should  recognize  as  surh  the  report  of  the  eldera  in  Jerusalem  given  in  the  letter  to 
Darius,  chap.  v.  10.  This  is  where  it  is  said  that  the  returned  exiles  already  in  the  first  year 
of  their  emigration  had  re-established  the  altar,  and  already  in  the  second  year  had  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  temple  (Ezra  iii.).  (Comp.  Schradee  Theol.Slud.  und  Krit,  18G7,S.400  ft, 
and  De  Wette  EinL,  8  Ausg.,  \  235).  Since  in  later  times  Schkadek  supposes  it  has  been 
presupposed  that  the  returned  exiles  were  pervaded  with  glowing  love  for  the  religion  of 
their  sires,  were  filled  with  the  greatest  joy  over  their  finally  successful  redemption  from  Ba- 
bylon, and  of  the  most  sincere  thankfulness  towards  the  God  of  their  fathers,  they  have  quite 
gradually  it  is  true,  and  without  having  any  historical  foundation  for  it,  been  able  to  give 
way  to  the  idea  that  the  returned  exiles,  as  soon  as  they  arrived  in  the  land  of  their  fathers, 
had  had  nothing  more  speedily  to  be  done  than  to  think  of  the  restoration  of  the  temple.  In 
roa'ity,  however,  the  congregation  hardly  went  so  far  as  to  put  their  hands  to  this  work  until 
the  time  when  they  actually  carried  on  the  building  to  its  completion,  in  the  second  to  the 
sixth  year  of  Darius.  If  they  had  really  begun  already  in  the  time  of  Cyrus,  we  cannot 
think  that  they  then  would  have  let  it  remain  idle  for  fourteen  entire  years:  if  they  would 
not  have  ventured  to  undertake  it  again  in  the  time  of  Cyrus,  yet  they  might  well  do  so  un- 
der Cambyses  or  S?merdis.  Yet  these  assertions  gain  some  likelihood  only  from  the  fact  that 
the  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  in  the  time  of  Darius,  speak  not  of  a  fresh  undertaking 
of  the  building,  but  of  the  building  simply,  yea,  that  they  speak  still  of  a  laying  of  the  foun- 
dation of  the  temple,  as  if  it  really  had  now  been  proposed  for  the  first  time.    In  that  Hajrjrai 

*  [Puspy  and  Hawlin^on  agree  in  regarding  this  verse  as  an  interpolation  or  marginal  gloss  of  a  later  date, 
that  has  crept  into  the  text. — Tr.] 


$2.    SOURCES,  COMPOSITION,  AND  AUTHENTICITY.  IS 


ii.  18.  ''  Consider  now  from  this  day  and  upward,  from  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month,  as 
from  the  day  when  the  foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord  was  laid  consider  "  assigns 
the  1. lying  of  the  foundation  of  the  temple  to  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month,  that  he  adds  the 
phrase  "ID'  "KVX  Di'H  J?1?  in  apposition  and  accordingly  as  of  lil^e  meaning  with  the  phrase, 
'■  from  the  24th  day  of  the  9th  month,"  is  just  as  clear  as  the  interpretation  of  Keil,  according 
to  which  p1?  etc.,  would  be  in  apposition  indeed,  yet  would  reach  back  to  the  time  of  Cyrus, 
is  artificial  and  untenable.  And  that  Zech.  viii.  9,  "the  prophets  which  were  in  the  day 
when  the  foundation  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  of  ho-ts  was  laid,  that  the  temple  might  be 
built,"  does  not  mean  the  prophets  after  the  exile  in  general  (Keil)  but  those  of  the  better 
times  (Kohler)  which  were  already  bringing  the  fulfilment,  as  they,  according  to  the  imme- 
diately following  verse,  had  not  come  previously,  but  for  the  first  now  after  the  failure  of  the 
harvest,  that  the  laying  of  the  temple's  foundations  accordingly  also  here  is  recognized  as  of 
the  present,  can  as  little  he  denied.  But  with  all  this  the  conclusions  which  Sohrader  de- 
rives from  it  are  by  far  too  hasty.  As  ilJ3  often  means  continue  the  building,  orals'",  re- 
build,  comp.  Ps.  Ii.  20;  lxix.  SO,  so  "ID'  also  may  be  used  in  different  senses,  since  in  a  nar- 
rower sense  it  refers  merely  to  the  laying  of  the  foundation  stone,  in  a  broader  and  fuller 
sense  to  the  laying  of  the  foundations  in  general.  Only  in  the  narrow  sense  had  the  laying 
of  the  foundation  taken  place  in  the  time  of  Cyrus;  for  without  doubt  only  atmall  portion 
of  the  congregation  had  as  yet  the  leisure  to  occupy  themselves  therewith.  Above  all,  more- 
over, the  ruins  had  to  be  removed  and  the  necessary  new  material  be  procured.  In  the  fuller 
sense  the  laying  of  the  foundations  did  not  really  take  place  until  the  time  of  Darius.  Now 
for  the  first  time  was  stone  laid  upon  stone,  as  it  was  necessary,  if  the  foundations  as  a  whole 
were  to  be  carried  up.     (Comp.  Hag.  ii.  15).* 

That  the  returned,  however,  had  constantly  undertaken,  already  in  the  time  of  Cyrus, 
the  re-establishment  of  the  temple,  yea,  regarded  it  as  must  necessary  and  important,  is  en- 
tirely probable,  and  cannot  be  conceived  of  as  otherwise.  (Comp.  Ewald,  Geschlchte  Israels 
IV.  S.  129  sq).  Not  on'y  because  that  the  pre-exile  prophets,  as  Jeremiah,  by  whose  utter- 
ances the  returning  exiles  allowed  themselves  to  be  chiefly  led,  that  Ezekiel  also  had  seen  in 
the  re-establi>hment  and  continuance  of  the  temple  worship  and  priestly  office  the  best  se- 
curity for  the  continuance  of  the  true  religion  itself,  Jer.  xxxiii.  17-26  ;  Ezek.  xx.  40  ;  xxxiv. 
26  ;  xxxvii.  26  and  28,  and  especially  in  chaps.  xl.-x!vii.  (comp.  Ewald  IV.  S.  43)  and  that  in 
Jer.  xliv.  28  the  re-establishment  of  the  temple  under  and  by  Cyrus  was  set  down  definitely 
as  the  will  of  God,  comp.  also  Isa.  Ix.  7 — against  which  it  might  perhaps  he  said  that  pass- 
ages of  contrary  purport  may  be  found  in  Jer.  iii.  16  and  Isa.  lxvi.  1 — but  the  edict  of  Cyrus 
itself,  which  constituted  the  foundation  for  the  existence  of  the  new  congregation  itself,  had 
decidedly  the  same  purport  that  the  congregation  should  above  all  have  the  task  of  building 
the  temple  and  restoring  the  temple  worship,  as  is  testified  not  only  by  Ezra  i.  but  also  by 
the  original  Chaldee  document  given  in  chap.  vi.  3  sq.  Over  against  this  edict  they  would 
have  lost  the  right  of  their  existence  in  Jerusalem  if  they  had  set  aside  the  building  of  the 
temple  for  the  sake  of  any  incident  that  changed  the  posture  of  affairs,  or  had  postponed  it 
for  fully  fourteen  years.  That  they,  however,  did  not  touch  the  building  for  a  long  time 
after  they  had  been  interrupted,  and  did  not  even  in  the  time  of  Cambyses  attempt  to  take  it 
up  again,  is  easily  explained  from  the  many  sad  circumstances,  especially  also  from  the  ex- 
ternal dangers  threatening  them,  under  which  they  had  to  suffer,  as  is  to  be  seen  from  the 
book  of  Ezra,  and  especially  from  the  book  of  Nehemiah. 


•  According  to  Hag.  i.  14, 15,  it  is  true  they  had  not  for  the  first  begun  to  work  upon  the  house  of  the  Lord 
on  the  9th  month  and  24th  day,  when,  according  to  chap.  ii.  IS,  the  foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord  was  laid, 
but  already  in  the  Gth  month.  But  that  they  then  had  merely  performed  the  preparatory  labor,  removed  the 
rubbish,  and  procured  materials  for  building,  that  the  proper  work  of  building  really  began  on  the  24th  day  of 
the  9th  month,  is  clear  from  the  simple  fact  (hat  the  prophet  makes  this  later  day  his  great  terminus  fit  quo,  with 
which  the  had  growth  shall  come  to  an  end  and  abetter  and  more  fruitful  time  begin,  and  of  a  quid  pru  o/uo(Keil) 
there  can  be  thought  if  we  understand  it  thus. 


11  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH. 


I  3.    RELATION   OF  THE  TWO  BOOKS  TO  ONE  ANOTHER,  TO  THE  CHRONICLES,  AND  ESDEAS. 

If  the  composition  of  the  two  books  was  in  the  manner  above  described,  the  question 
readily  arises  whether  the  last  author  from  the  first  regarded  the  Chronicles,  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah  as  three  particular  books,  or  planned  them  as  one  work.  That  the  unity,  which  has  in 
recent  times  been  asserted  by  Zunz  (Gottesdienstl.  VorUdge  dtr  Juden),  Ewald,  Berth., ctal, 
really  exists  in  a  certain  sense,  cannot  be  ignored.  The  three  books  are  so  cut  out  that 
they  unite  to  form  a  greater  whole,  not  only  in  the  looser  way  of  the  books  of  Samuel  and 
Kings,  but  in  a  much  more  internal  and  firmer  manner.  Ezra  begins  with  the  same  edict  of 
Cyrus  with  reference  to  the  return  of  the  Jews,  with  which  the  Chronicles  end.  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah,  moreover,  on  their  side  are  united  together  in  the  closest  manner  by  Neh.  viii. — 
xii.  26.  Ezra's  activity,  the  first  part  of  which  alone  is  Darrated  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  is  here 
described  as  to  its  continuance  and  results,  the  strengthening  of  the  life  of  the  congregation 
by  this  activity,  the  negative  side  of  which  is  taken  into  consideration  in  the  book  of  Ezra,  is 
here  carried  on  to  its  completion  by  the  positive  side.  The  book  of  Ezra  is  thus  continued  in 
the  book  of  Nehemiah,  and  only  finished  therein.  Neh.  viii. — x.  might  have  been  added  to 
the  book  of  Ezra  ;  it  is  annexed  to  the  book  of  Nehemiah  only  because  it  describes  a  later 
period  in  which  Nehemiah  likewise  came  into  consideration  along-side  of  Ezra.  Moreover, 
there  is  properly  in  all  three  books  throughout  one  and  the  same  subject  treated  ;  the  history 
of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  the  worship  of  God  in  it,  an  1  the  most  important  persons  who  ren- 
dered services  to  it. 

But  it  is  just  as  easy  to  see  likewise  that  the  division  into  three  particular  books  cannot 
have  been  made  at  a  subsequent  period,  still  less  that  it  rests  upon  arbitrary  grounds.  The 
book  of  Nehemiah  begins  with  a  particular  title,  which  designates  it  as  the  history  of  Nehe- 
miah, and  clearly  enough  separates  it  as  a  particular  and  independent  writing  from  the  book 
of  Ezra.  This  title,  moreover,  cannot  have  been  appended  at  a  later  period,  but  must  have 
been  placed  there  already  by  Nehemiah,  otherwise  the  first  person  that  constantly  occurs, 
could  not  be  explained.  Moreover  the  supposition  that  the  book,  in  spite  of  this  title,  should 
be  regarded  as  merely  a  section  of  another  larger  book,  would  be  against  all  Biblical  analo- 
gies. And  from  this  results  also  the  independence  of  the  book  of  Ezra.  That  which  has 
been  said  in  favor  of  the  separation  of  Nehemiah,  is  also  in  favor  of  that  of  Ezra.  To  make 
Nehemiah  independent,  and  append  Ezra  to  the  Chronicles  (Movers)  would  be  very  inconsis- 
tent at  any  rate,  and  all  the  more  so,  indeed,  that  the  book  of  Ezra  treats  of  an  entirely  new 
period,  which  was  separated  by  a  great  and  gloomy  chasm,  from  all  that  preceded  it.  Be- 
sides, if  the  author  had  written  Chronicles  and  Ezra  as  a  single  book,  he  would  have  men- 
tioned the  edict  of  Cyrus  but  once,  certainly,  and  he  who  separated  Ezra  would  have  caused 
the  Chronicles  to  end  before  the  introduction  of  this  fact ;  in  general  before  the  mentioi  of 
Cyrus  at  all.  That  edict  would  have  its  proper  place  only  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  of 
Ezra,  where  it  formed  the  foundation  for  the  subsequent  history,  and  where  it  was  therefore 
indispensable.  To  put  it  at  the  end  of  the  Chronicles,  moreover,  would  have  been  too  re- 
fined for  a  mere  arranger;  this  rather  would  come  only  into  the  mind  of  the  author  himself, 
who  thereby  would  certainly  merely  satisfy  the  need  of  indicating  by  a  brief  word  the  resto- 
ration also  after  the  exile  and  the  destruction,  which  could  not  here  be  entirely  absent. 

Ti  favor  of  the  view  that  at  least  Fzra  and  Nehemiah  originally  constituted  a  single 
book,  the  circumstance  is  cited  that  both  books  from  the  most  ancient  times,  namely,  in  ihe 
Talmud,  yea,  even  in  Joseph,  and  in  the  Alexandrine  version,  and  accordingly  also  in  Mi- 
letus of  Sardis  and  Origen,  in  Eusebius'  Church  Hist.  II.  25,  have  been  counted  as  one. 
But  at  the  basis  of  this  enumeration  there  is  hardly  more  than  the  true  recognition  of  the 
relationship  that  has  been  shown,  and  on  the  other  side,  the  wish  to  have  no  more  than  ju-t 
so  many  books  in  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Test,  as  there  are  letters  of  the  Alphabet.  For  the 
same  reason  the  books  of  Judges  and  Ruth  were  connected  together.  For  already  Joseph. 
(r.  Ap.  I  8)  enumerates,  although  he  does  not  expressly  give  the  reason,  exactly  twenty-two 
books,  and  Jerome  says  in  the  prohgus  gal,  expressly  that  the  Hebrews  had  twenty-two  ca- 


\  3.  RELATION  OF  THE  TWO  BOOKS  TO  ONE  ANOTHER,  ETC. 

nonical  books,  according  to  the  number  of  the  letters  of  their  alphabet,  which  he,  namely, 
mentions,  and  then  adds  that  some,  because  the  rabbins  distinguish  Sin  and  Shin,  and  fur  the 
sake  of  the  sign  of  Jehovah,  would  set  up  a  double  yod  in  the  alphabet,  suppose  that  there 
are  twenty- four,  since  they  separate  Ruth  and  Lamentations.  That  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  are 
properly  two  books,  can  be  the  less  denied,  as  they  without  doubt  recognize  two  authors;  for 
the  book  of  Ezra,  the  priest  of  that  name,  of  whom  it  is  expressly  said  in  the  Talm.  {Bah.  balr. 
Fol.  14) :  "Esra  scripsit  librum  suum  el  genealogias  librorum  chron.  usque  ad  sua  tr.mpora,"  at  d 
for  the  book  of  Neh.  with  as  much  certainty  the  governor  Nehemiah  also  makes  himself  known 
unmistakably  as  the  author  by  the  use  of  the  first  person.  As  for  the  Alex,  version  the  connection 
of  the  two  books  is  found  indeed  In  Cod.  Alex,  and  Cod.  Frid.-Aug.,  but  not  in  the  Cod.  Vatic* 
Now  in  the  Alexandrine  version  there  is  found  a  translation  at  first  of  our  book  of  Ezra, 
enlarged  by  additions,  and  only  afterward  a  translation  that  conforms  closely  to  our  text,  and 
the  question  arises  what  weight  the  former  has  with  its  deviations,  as  well  critical  as  exege- 
tical.  The  former  is  in  the  Alex,  in  the  ancient  Latin  and  in  the  Syriac  versions  (cornp. 
Ubri  vet.  test,  apocryphi  syriaee  e  recogn.  de  Lagarde)  'EoSpac  ■nparoc,  the  second  'Ectpac  iivro- 
poc,  the  book  of  Nehemiah  'EaSpac  rpiroc,  or  also  (probably  from  the  time  of  Jerome)  Nehe- 
mias ;  in  the  Vulgate,  on  the  other  hand,  the  book  of  Ezra  in  its  present  unenlarged  form,  is 
called  I.  Esra,  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  II.  Esra,  as  then  likewise  already  Origen  (in  Eusebius' 
Church  Hist.  IV.  25),  then  the  council  Laodicm  can.  80,  and  other  lists,  distinguish  our  books 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  as  "EnSpac  sparer  and  Stvrepog, — the  enlarged  translation  however  is 
called  Til.  Ezra,  and  the  apocalyptic  pseudepigraphicbook  of  Ezra  finally  the  IV.  Ezra. — The 
enlargement  of  the  translation  was  brought  about  on  the  one  side  by  placing  before  the  pro- 
per beginning  the  closing  part  of  the  Chronicles  (chaps,  xxxv.  and  xxxvi),  namely  the  de- 
scription of  the  brilliant  passover  feast  under  Josiah,  and  at  the  same  time  the  last  history 
of  Jerusalem  before  the  exile,  and  by  adding  as  a  conclusion  the  beginning  of  the  second  part 
of  Nehemiah,  Neh.  vii.  73— viii.  13,  namely,  the  public  reading  of  the  law  by  Ezra  before  the 
door  of  the  restored  temple.  We  see  that  as  in  the  original  book,  so  also  in  this  enlargement 
nothing  is  so  much  regarded  as  the  history  of  the  temple  worship,  and  indeed  especially  its 
indestructiblene=s.  The  translator  would  first  of  all  recall  the  evening  sky  in  which  he 
rejoiced  shortly  before  the  exile,  for  this  reason,  because  it  was  to  him  to  a  certain  extent  a 
prophecy  of  the  morning  and  the  resurrection,  which  might  be  expected  after  the  temporary 
ruin  in  exile,  through  the  power  and  grace  of  God.  He  then  lets  the  contents  of  our  book 
of  Ezra  follow,  and  adds  Neh.  vii.  73— viii.  13,  because  here  the  fulfilment  of  that  prophecy 
is  narrated.  For  the  public  reading  of  the  law  before  the  door  of  the  temple,  Neh.  vii.  70  sq., 
came  into  consideration  for  him  without  doubt  as  a  kind  of  temple  worship,  yea,  was  regarded 
by  him  perhaps  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  subsequently  formed,  as  the  most  suitable  and 
important  worship  of  God  alongside  of  the  sacrificial  worship.  He  needed  not  to  go  further 
than  Neh.  viii.  13,  however ;  it  was  already  sufficiently  established  by  the  history  preceding, 
up  to  this  time,  that  the  restoration  had  been  completed,  and  especially  in  the  last  verse  do's 
it  still  stand  firth,  what  seems  to  have  come  into  consideration  for  the  author  therewith  that 
the  people  by  their  worship  of  God  had  again  been  exalted  to  prosperity  and  joy. — On  the 
other  side,  however,  the  author  has  taken  into  his  book  likewise  a  passage  entirely  foreign  to 
the  canonical  Old  Test.,  which  gives  an  account  of  a  banquet  which  the  Persian  king  Darius 
prepared  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  where  Zerubbabel  found  opportunity  to  gain  the 
king's  favor  for  himself  and  his  people,  so  that  he  permitted  the  building  of  the  temple,  con- 
tributed to  the  restoration  of  the  worship  in  Jerusalem  and  influenced  many  Jewish  heads  of 

*  [Davidson's  summary  is  as  follows:  "  Intro.  II.,  p.  148.  The  extended  work  of  the  Ohronist  embraced  a  post- 
exile  as  well  as  a  pre-exile  part ;  but  the  former  was  afterwards  separated  from  the  latter,  and  received  a  distinet 
name,  the  book  of  Ezra,  including  what  is  now  Nehemiah.  In  this  post-exile  portion  the  Chronicle  writer  copied 
his  sources  more  extensively  than  in  the  preceding  part.  In  Ezra  ii.  1-63  he  gave  an  old  list;  in  iv.  S — vi.  IS  a 
fragment  of  an  Aramean  narrative  which  he  had  got  In  vii.  12 — ix.  15  he  inserted  a  piece  of  Ezra's  memoirs,  and 
in  x.  1S-33,  he  put  a  list  or  register  which  had  come  into  his  hands.  Thus  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  book  oi 
Ezra  was  transcribed  from  the  sources  at  his  disposal.  With  respect  to  the  book  of  Xehemiah.  which  was  merely 
intended  as  an  appendix  to  the  whole,  he  filled  up  gaps  in  N^hemiah's  memoirs  with  vii.  71  b — ix.;  xii.  1 — xiii.  3, 
and  with  minor  interpretations  besides.  We  have  then  left  for  the  authorship  of  Ezra  vii.  12 — ix.  15;  for  Nehe- 
miah  i.  1 — vii.  73  n,  x.  at  first  ;  xi.  a— xiii.  4-31."— Tit.] 


]-;  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH. 

families  to  return.  This  is  the  section,  chaps,  iii. — v.  6,  which  may  be  compared  with  the 
"  passages  in  Esther."  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  author  here  had  reproduced  a  popular 
tradition  (Fritzsche,  Einl.  zu.  III.  Esra  §  5) ;  but  without  doubt,  in  the  formation  of  the 
story  the  design  had  already  co-operated  of  giving  moral  truth  a  historical  dress  (ZrjJfz,  Gol- 
tesdienstl.  VorL,  S.  106  and  123).  Zerubbabel  and  two  other  young  men  were  at  that  ban- 
quet, body-guards  of  the  king;  they  agreed,  when  the  latter  had  gone  to  sleep,  to  lay  down 
their  opinions  before  him  with  reference  to  what  was  the  mightiest  on  earth,  and  see  to  which 
he  would  give  his  recognition.  The  one  wrote  "'  wine,"  the  second  "the  king,"  the  third  (Ze- 
rubbabel) wrote  "  women  are  mightiest ;"  the  latter  added,  however,  "  but  truth  gains  the 
victory  over  every  thing,"  and  this  he  explained  afterwards  so  that  every  other  thing,  even 
the  king,  had  fallen  into  unrighteousness,  and  hence  likewise  become  perishable.  Only  truth 
lasts.  The  author  might  by  this  sentence  of  Zerubbabel,  so  to  say,  have  indicated  the  spirit 
of  his  presentation  of  history ;  not  the  king,  that  is  worldly  power  and  glory,  can  do  every- 
thing. Their  victory  over  the  Lord  is  only  apparent.  The  worship  of  Jehovah  and  the  ex- 
istence of  Jerusalem  can  only  be  interrupted  by  thera  for  a  time.  The  king  is  not  the  might- 
iest, because  on  the  one  side  even  wine,  and  on  the  other  women,  rule  over  him ;  in  other 
words,  because  he  belongs  to  the  world  and  its  lust-(,  that  is,  to  vanities  ;  but  it  is  the  truth, 
the  dirine  truth,  which  guarantees  the  eternal  duration  of  the  worship  of  God,  because  it  is 
one  with  it ;  it  proceeds  from  the  eternal,  and  must  therefore  endure  forever. 

Now  with  respect  to  the  critical  value  of  this  enlargement,  it  is  by  no  means  in  the  con- 
dition to  make  probable  to  us  the  already  rejected  view  of  an  original  external  unity  of  Chro- 
nicles, Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  notwithstanding  the  reasons  for  the  opposite  opinion  ;  the  in- 
ternal connection  is  sufficient  to  explain  why  the  author,  if  Irs  object  was  the  temple  wor- 
ship, went  to  work  to  collect  material  at  the  same  time  from  the  three  fields.  No  more  are 
we  to  suppose  that  he  had  found  a  basis  in  the  original  for  the  section,  chaps,  iii. — v.  6,  that 
he  inserted.  "  The  language  (of  this  passage)  betrays  itself  throughout  as  originally  Hellen- 
istic (Feitzsche,  if.  c).  It  seems  to  Fmtzsche  that  only  the  conclusion,  chap.  v.  1-6,  can  be 
an  exception.  At  any  rate  III.  Ezra  might  come  into  consideration  with  reference  to  textual 
criticism.  The  translation  is  indeed  frequently  free,  yet  is  as  a  whole  in  close  conformity 
to  the  Hebrew  text,  in  comparatively  good  Greek,  and  "  is  therefore  an  important  evidence 
of  the  condition  of  our  presnt  Hebrew  text  at  the  time  of  this  author"  (Berth.,  S.  15). 
However,  the  author  could  not  have  lived  earlier  than  the  first  century  before  Christ,  and  the 
changes  in  th  i  text  that  he  recommends  to  us,  are  only  to  be  admitted  with  great  caution. 

Exegetically  and  historically  the  III.  Ezra  might  almost  make  it  questionable  for  us  whe- 
ther we  interpret  the  i  ames  of  the  Persian  kings  aright  when  we  understand  by  the  Darius 
mentioned  after  Cyrus,  Darius  Hystaspis,  and  by  Artasasta,  Artaxerxes.  After  having  in- 
formed us  of  the  edict  of  Cyrus  in  chap.  ii.  1-14  and  other  matters  contained  in  the  canoni- 
cal book  of  Ezra,  III.  Ezra  lets  the  two  original  documents  of  Ezra  iv.  directly  follow  in  vers. 
15-25,  the  letter  of  the  officer  to  Artaxerxes  and  its  answer,  and  in  addition  the  transition 
verse,  by  which  it  is  carried  back  to  Darius,  "then  the  work  on  the  house  of  the  Lord  was 
discontinued  until  the  twentieth  year  of  Darius."  It  also  gains  the  appearance  as  if  it  had 
held  the  Artaxerxes,  to  whom  the  Samaritans  turned  themselves  through  the  Persian  offices, 
as  one  of  the  kings  previous  to  Darius,  perhaps  Cambyses.  Since  then  in  chaps,  iii.  — v.  6,  in 
his  apocryphal  addition,  in  that  Zerubbabel  still  under  Darius,  and  indeed  still  as  a  young 
man,  stayed  at  the  Persian  court,  he  excites  the  appearance  as  if  already  before  or  even  along- 
s'de  of  Cyrus,  Darius  had  been  favorable  to  the  Jews,  and  had  given  them  permission  to 
return.  The  skein  of  difficulties,  moreover,  is  entangled,  as  soon  as  it  is  supposed  that  the 
author  in  his  statement,  so  to  say,  has  made  two  beginnings,  and  indeed  the  second  time  in 
chap.  v.  7,  however  little,  there  is  here  to  be  observed  by  the  reader  a  larger  pause.  The 
n?inouncement  of  the  exiles  who  returned  under  Darius,  which  we  read  here  in  ver.  4  "  these 
Ere  the  names  of  the  men  who  went  up,"  etc.,  is  only  to  be  referred  to  the  names  that  follow 
i.i  vers.  5  and  6,  that  is  to  the  priests,  the  sons  of  Phineas.  to  Jeshua  the  high-priest,  and 
Joakim,  the  son  of  Zerubbabel,  not  at  (he  same  time  to  those  fo'lowing  from  ver.  7  onward. 
In  ver.  7  a  new  announcement,  corresponding  to  that  of  Ezra  i.  2,  introduces  the  names  cf 


I  4.   LITERATURE.  17 


those  who  returned  already  in  the  time  of  Cyrus,  or  as  it  is  expressly  said  with  Zerubhabel 
and  Jeshua.  The  matter  would  be  clearer  if  the  fifth  chapter  did  not  begin  until  vcr.  7.  It 
seems  as  if  the  author,  before  he  passed  over  to  the  statement  of  the  history  proper,  as  it  lies 
before  us  in  Ezra  iii.,  would  anticipate  all  that  which  subsequently  would  have  too  muc'.i  in- 
terrupted the  connection  of  the  history  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  which  was  yet  of  im- 
portance with  reference  to  the  course  that  affairs  took  ;  at  first  the  edict  of  Cyrus,  which  con- 
stituted the  foundation  for  all  that  followed,  but  then  also  the  letter  of  the  adversaries  to  Ar- 
taxerxes,  with  reference  to  the  building  of  the  city  and  its  walls,  and  his  unfavorable  answer 
to  the  Jews,  which  original  documents  at  the  very  beginning  would  throw  a  strong  light  upon 
the  adversaries  who  were  active  at  the  time  of  the  building  of  the  temple  likewise,  and  which 
already,  because  they  are  broug  -t  out  in  so  much  detail  in  our  canonical  Ezra,  must  be  men- 
tioned somewhere — finally  the  apocryphal  section  respecting  the  events  at  the  banquet  of  Da- ' 
rius,  which  explains  the  sentiments  of  this  king  as  so  favorable  and  so  decided  for  the  build- 
ing of  the  temple.  The  letter  to  Artaxerxes  and  the  reply,  he  probably  placed  before 
the  apocryphal  history  from  the  time  of  Darius,  because  it  would  have  interrupted  the  nar- 
rative if  placed  after  it,  that  is,  would  have  too  much  separated  similar  things, — the  names 
of  those  who  returned  under  Darius  on  the  one  side,  and  the  list  of  those  who  returned  under 
Cyrus  on  the  other  side.  Perhaps  it  likewise  comes  into  consideration,  tha1".  the  closing  verse 
after  the  reply  of  Artaxerxes,  "then  the  building  of  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem  ceased  until 
the  second  day  of  the  reign  of  Darius"  (chap.  ii.  25),  which  here  really  has  no  sense  at  all, 
provided  that  under  Artasasta  we  are  to  understand  Artaxerxes,  and  under  Darius  the  Da- 
rius Hystaspis,  who  had  already  reigned  previously, — was  well  calculated  to  form  the  transi- 
tion to  the  section  respecting  Darius.  If  it  should  be  thought  that  the  author  thought  of 
Cambyses  as  Artasasta,  and  therefore  had  placed  the  letter  in  question  before,  objections  are 
excited  by  the  close  of  the  5th  chap.,  where  he  says,  changing  our  Ezra  freely,  "  they,  namely, 
the  Samaritans,  hindered,  that  the  building  was  not  completed  the  entire  period  of  the  life 
of  king  Cyrus,  and  they  were  restrained  from  building  two  years,  to  the  reign  of  Darius," 
which  sounds  as  if,  according  to  his  view,  Darius  had  followed  immediately  after  Cyrus,  and 
indeed  already  two  years  after  the  interruption  of  the  building  of  the  temple. — That  the  au- 
thor makes  Zerubhabel  still  live  in  the  time  of  Darius,  and  indeed  s  ill  as  a  young  man  at 
the  Persian  court,  although  he  yet,  according  to  him,  was  already  active  in  Jerusalem  under 
Cyrus,  rests  perhaps  on  a  corruption  of  the  text ;  perhap3  the  young  man  who  influenced 
Darius  so  favorably  in  chap.  iii.  was  not  Zerubbabel,  as,  it  is  true,  it  is  expressly  said  in  chap, 
iv.  13,  but  the  son  of  Zerubbabel,  Joiakim,  who  in  chap.  v.  5  is  mentioned  as  one  who  re- 
turned under  Darius,  and  at  the  same  time,  also,  expressly  as  the  one  who  spake  wise  words 
under  Darius,  the  king  of  Persia.  To  be  sure,  however,  the  difficulty  still  remains  that  as  the 
high-priest,  not  Jeshua's  son,  but  Jeshua  himself,  stands  alongside  of  him.  It  is  possible 
that  rather  the  name  Joiakim  in  chap.  v.  5,  rests  on  an  alteration,  by  which  a  copyist  would 
assist  the  author,  and  the  appearance  of  Zerubbabel  as  a  young  man  at  the  court  of  Darius 
is  to  be  explained  from  the  fact  that  the  author  himself  thought  of  Darius,  who  already  so 
soon  after  the  interruption  of  the  building  of  the  temple  attained  the  sovereignty,  as  the  im- 
mediate successor  of  Cyrus ;  at  any  rate  it  must  properly  be  supposed  that  Zerubbabel,  after 
the  interruption  of  the  temple  building,  returned  again  to  Babylon. 

§  4.      LITERATURE. 

As  in  the  books  of  Chronicles,  so  here  we  have  to  complain  of  the  small  amount  of  exe- 
getical  and  critical  literature.  Of  Jewish  interpreters,  besides  the  well-known  R.  S.  Jarchi 
and  Abex  Ezra,  who  wrote  commentaries  upon  almost  the  entire  Old  Test.,  which  are 
printed  in  the  Habbin.  Bible  of  Buxtorf,  we  may  mention  R.  Simeon  ben  Joiakim,  whose 
Commentary  on  Ezra,  Nehemiah  and  Chronicles,  according  to  Bartolocci,  (bibl.  rabb.  TV., 
p.  412)  appeared  at  Venice  from  Bomberg, — furthermore  Joseph,  bar  Aben  Jechijja,  of 
whom  a  Commentary  on  the  5  Megillolh  and  the  rest  of  the  Hagiographa  is  mentioned,  and 
I'AAK  ben  R.  Solomon  Jabez,  whose  Thoralh  chesed  likewise  embraces  the  Mcgilloth  and 
She  rest  of  the  Hagiographa. 


13  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAII. 

Of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  only  Beda.  Ven.  comes  into  consideration,  who  composed 
two  books  of  allegorical  interpretation  upon  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (op.  I.  IV.,  p.  462  sq.) ;  he 
would  show  by  both  books  how  those  who  have  fallen  into  ruin  by  carelessness  or  error,  miut 
turn  to  repentance,  how  great  God's  grace  is,  etc.  Of  the  Reformers,  only  John  Brenz  wrote 
a  Commentar.  in  Esdram,  and  provided  the  first  three  chapters  of  Nehemiah  with  annoia- 
liones.  Vict.  Strigel's  scholia  in  libr.  Esrm  appeared  at  Leipsic,  1571 ;  his  scholia  in  lib,-. 
Nehemise,  Leipsic,  1575  ;  Erasmi  Sarcerii  scholia  in.  Nehemiam  and  Cyriaci  Spangenbergii  tabulse 
(Basel,  15G3)  are  barely  worthy  of  mention.  The  expository  writings  of  the  lGth  and  17th 
Centuries  are  embraced,  so  far  as  they  deserve  mention,  in  the  great  collection  "  Critici  sacri," 
London,  1660,  9  vol.  fol.,  and  in  the  selections  therefrom  of  Matth.  Polus,  Synopsis  Critico- 
rum  «.,  London,  1669. 

On  the  part  of  the  Roman  Catholics  are  to  be  mentioned  :  Thomas  de  Vio,  Rome,  1553; 
Dionys.  Carthusianus,  Cologne,  1534 ;  Caspar  Sanctius,  Lyons,  1627,  and  Nicolaus 
Lombardus  (Commcntariui  literalis,  moralis,  et  allegoricus  in  Nehemiam  et  Esram.  Pari-*, 
1643). 

Of  the  Reformed  Church  are  :  Ludov.  Lavaterus  (38  Homilies  upon  Ezra,  and  58 
upon  Nehemiah),  Zurich,  1586;  Johann  Wolff,  Nchemias  de  instaurata  Hierosohjma  sen 
commenlarius  in  librum  Nehemia;,  Zurich,  1570  ;  Christianus  Schotanus,  bibliotheca,  hist, 
sacr.  V.  T.  T.  II.,  p.  1154  sq.;  Guilelm  Pembelius,  explicaiio  locorum  obscurorum  ex  Eirsc, 
etc.,  libro,  Lond.,  1658 ;  H.  Grotius,  Annotatt.  in  Vet.  Test.,  Paris,  1644,  ed.  Vogel  el  Doe- 
derlein,  Halle,  1775-6.;  Franc.  Burmannus,  a  Belgian  Commentary  upon  the  books  of 
Kings,  Chronicles,  and  Ezra,  Amsterdam,  1694. 

Of  the  18th  Century  are  only  the  works  embracing  the  entire  Old  Test.,  or  at  least  a 
greater  part  of  it,  by  Aug.  Calmet,  Commentaire  literal,  Paris,  1707  sq. ;  by  Jo.  Clericus, 
Commentarius  (3  vols,  in  Hagiographa),  Amsterdam,  1731 ;  by  Joh.  Heinr.  Michaelis,  ad- 
notatior.es  uberiores  in  hagiographos  veteris  testamenti  libros,  Halle,  1720  (the  book  of  Ezra,  by 
J.  H.  Michaelis  himself,  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  by  J.  J.  Rambach,  both  in  the  third  vol.) ; 
by  H.  B.  Stark  Notse  selectee  in  Pent.,  etc.,  Leipsic,  1714, — by  Joach.  Lange,  Mosaisches, 
Prophetisches  u.  s.  w.  Licht  und  Recht,  Halle,  1729 — 38,  by  Chr.  Starke  the  Synopsis  III. ; 
by  J.  D.  Michaelis,  Die  TJebersetzung  des  Alten  Testaments  mit  Anmerkungen  fur  TJngelehrle. 
Theil  12,  1785.  Of  the  19th  Century  we  have,  by  J.  B.  D.  Maurer,  Comment,  gramm.  crit.  in 
V.  T.,  vol.  I.,  Leipsic,  1835  ;  E.  Bertheau,  Die  Pitcher  Esra,  Nehemia,  and  Esther  (17  Lie- 
ferung  des  kurzgefassten  exegetischen  Handbuches  zum  A.  Testament),  Leipsic,  1862  ;  Bunsen, 
Pibeboerk  (Thl.  I.,  Abth.  3,  by  Ad.  Kamphausen),  Leipsic,  1865;  C.  F.  Keil,  EM.  Kom- 
mentar  iiber  die  naehtxil.  Gesehichtsbucher ;  Chronik,  Esra,  Nehemia  und  Esther  (Thl.  5  des 
bibl.  Kommentars  of  Keil  and  Delitzscii,  Leipsic,  1870  —[Trans,  in  Clark's  For.  Theol.  Li- 
brary'] ;  Schirmer,  observatt.  exegi.  crit.  in  1  Esdrse,  Breslau,  1820.  There  are  the  following 
introductory  crit'eal  treatises  on  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah;  Kleinert,  uber  die 
Eatstehung,  die  Ptstandtheile  und  das  Alter  der  Pitcher  Ezra  und  Nehemia,  in  the  Peitr.  zu 
den  theol.  Wistenschoften  by  the  Professors  of  Theology  at  Dorpat,  Hamburg,  1832,  first  vol- 
ume ;  Keil,  itber  die  Integrildt  des  Pitcher  Ezra  in  his  Apol.  Vcrsueh  uber  die  Chronik,  S.  93 
sq.;  F.  W.  Schultz,  '  Cyrus  der  Grosse  "  in  the  Stud.  u.  Kril ,  185C,  S.  624  sqq. ;  Baihinger, 
"  zur  Axtfliellung  der  nachexil.  Geschichte  Israels  "  Stud.  u.  E~rit.,  1857,  S.  S7  sqq.;  E.  Schrader, 
"  die  Dauer  des  zweiten  Tempelbaus,"  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1867,  S.  460  sqq.  E.  Schrader's  book, 
"  die  Eeilinschriften  und  das  Alte  Testament,"  Giessen,  1872,  contains  contributions  worthy 
of  consideration  with  reference  to  the  book  of  Ezra,  fewer  with  reference  to  Nehemiah. 

[To  these  we  may  add  the  few  works  upon  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  in  English.  The  Holy 
Bible,  with  notes  of  the  older  Matthew  Henry  and  Scott,  and  the  more  recent  Holy 
Bi  lie,  with  Notes  of  Wordsworth,  vol.  II.,  new  ed.,  London,  1873;  the  Bible  or  Speaker's 
Comm,,  vol.  III.,  London,  1874,  by  Rawlinson,  to  which  frequent  reference  is  made  by  the 
trans' ator.  See  also  Davidson's  Introduction  to  the  Old  Test.  II.,  121-132,  Edin.,  1862 ;  Ptjsey 
on  Daniel,  p.  331  sq.,  3d  ed.,  London,  1869;  also  in  Kitto's  Cyclopcedia,  3d  edit.,  1865,  and 
Smith's  Plblicd  I  ictionary — especially  the  American  edition. — Tr.] 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


PART  FIRST. 

The  Temple  as  the  Place  of  the  Lord.     (Period  previous  to  Ezia.) 

Chaps.  I.— VI. 

FIRST  SECTION. 

The  Most  Important  Fundamental  Facts. 
Chapters  I.  II. 

a.— THE  DECREE  OF  CYRUS— THE  DEPARTURE  FROM  BABYLON— THE  RESTITUTION 

OF  THE  SACRED  VESSELS. 

Chap.   I.   1-11. 
I.   The  Decree  of  Cyrus.    Vers.  1-4. 

1  Now  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  king  of  Persia,  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  by  the 
mouth  of  Jeremiah  might  be  fulfilled,  the  Lord  stirred  up  the  spirit  of  Cyrus  king 
of  Persia,  that  he  made  a  proclamation  throughout  all  his  kingdom,  and  put  it  aUo 

2  in  writing,  saying,  Thus  saith  Cyrus  kin^  of  Persia,  The  Lord  God  of  heaven  hath 
given  me  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth ;  and  he  hath  charged  me  to  build  him  a 

3  house  at  Jerusalem,  which  is  in  Judah.  Who  is  there  among  you  of  all  his  people? 
his  God  be  with  him,  and  let  him  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  which  is  in  Judah,  and 
build  the  house  of  the  Lord  God  of  I-rael,  (he  is  the  God,)  which  is  in  Jerusalem. 

4  And  whosoever  remaueth  in  auy  place  where  he  sjourneth,  let  the  men  of  his 
place  help  him  with  silver,  aud  with  gold,  and  with  goods,  and  with  beasts,  besides 
the  free-will  offering  for  the  house  of  God  that  is  in  Jerusalem. 

II.   The  Departure  from  Babylon.    Vers.  5,  6. 

5  Then  rose  up  the  chief  of  the  fathers  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  and  the  priests, 
and  the  Levites,  with  all  them  whose  spirit  God  had  raised,  to  go  up  to  build  the 

6  house  of  the  Lord  which  is  in  Jerusalem.  And  all  they  that  were  about  them 
strengthened  their  hands  with  vessels  of  silver,  with  gold,  with  goods,  aud  with 
beasts,  and  with  precious  things,  besides  all  that  was  willingly  offered. 

III.   The  Restitution  of  the    Vessels  of  the  Temple.  Vers.  7-11. 

7  Also  Cyrus  the  king  brought  forth  the  vessels  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  which 
Nebuchadnezzar  had  brought  forth  out  of  Jerusalem,  and  had  put  them  in  the 

8  house  of  his  gods ;  Even  those  did  Cyrus  king  of  Persia  bring  forth  by  the  hand 
of  Mithredath  the  treasurer,  and  numbered  them  unto  Sheshbazzar,  the  prince  of 

S  Judah.     Aud  this  is  the  number  of  them :  thirty  chargers  of  gold,  a  thousand 

19 


20 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


10  chargers  of  silver,  nine  and  tweuty  knives,  Thirty  basins  of  gold,  silver  basins  of  a 

11  second  sort  four  hundred  and  ten.  and  other  vessels  a  thousand.  All  the  vessels 
of  gold  and  of  silver  were  five  thousand  and  four  hundred.  All  these  did  Shesh- 
bazzar  bring  up  with  them  of  the  captivity  that  were  brought  up  from  Babylon 
unto  Jerusalem. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  The  decree  of  Cyrus  placed  here  at 
the  beginning  constituted  the  basis  of  all  that 
followed,  first  of  all,  of  the  re-establishment  of 
the  lemple  and  the  renewal  of  the  congregaiion. 
And  although  this  decree  was  issued  by  a  hea- 
then prince,  it  yet  involved  a  great  act  of  fulfill- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  Lord.  It  is  manifest 
from  the  first  verse  that  the  Lord  was  there 
present  and  acting  to  fulfil  His  word. 

Ver.  1.  And  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus 
king  of  Persia. — The  1  (and),  which  under 
other  circumstances  might  be  deemed  unimpor- 
tant, here,  in  view  of  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  22,  con- 
nects the  subsequent  re-establishment  with  the 
previous  destruction.  The  first  year  of  Cyrus 
naturally  refers  to  that  first  year,  in  which  he 
began  to  come  into  consideration  as  ruler  with 
reference  to  the  Jews,  that  is,  over  Babylon, 
and  indeed  not  mediately,  as  the  sovereign  of 
Darius  the  Mede,  in  view  of  Dan.  vi.  1,  but  im- 
mediately. It  was  the  year  53ti  B.  C. — [Raw- 
linson  contends  that  "  by  the  first  year  of  Cyrus 
is  to  be  understood  his  first  year  at  Babylon, 
which  was  the  first  year  of  his  sovereignty  over 
the  Jews.  This  was  B.  C.  538."— Tr .]— Bh'13 
corresponds  with  the  old  Persian  kurus,  the 
Greek  avpo(,  and  is  perhaps  connected  with 
kurus  the  name  of  prince  in  ancient  India  [and 
the  kuru  race,  according  to  Rawlinson,  who  also 
thinks  that  the  Masuretie  pointing  is  incorrect 
for  E?"U3. — Tr.]. —  Vid.  Delitzsch,  Com.,  Isaiah 
xliv.  28.  D"13  (in  the  best  editions  with  pathah 
under  resh,  for  which  we  have  qatnetz  in  strong 
pause,  as  with  silluq,  ch.  iv.  3)  is  in  the  cunei- 
form inscriptions  Parana,  in  the  native  dialect 
Par<;a,  vid.  Schrader,  Keilmschriflen,  S.  244  [Raw- 
linson,  Appendix  to  Com.  on  Persian  words  in 
Ezra. — Tr.] — That  the  word  of  the  Lord 
by  the  mouth  of  Jeremiah  might  be  ful- 
filled.— PftaS  would  generally  be  rendered  : 
in  order  that  it  might  be  completed.  The  sub- 
ject would  then  be  properly  regarded  as  the 
period  of  seventy  years  which  the  divine  word 
had  determined  (so  Berth,  and  Keil);  yet  as 
this  is  not  the  subject,  but  rather  the  word  of 
the  Lord  itself,  we  are  compelled  to  render:   in 

order  that  it  might  be  fulfilled.  rP3  means 
properly  to  be  ready,  and  thence,  on  the  one 
side,  to  be  finished,  e.  g.  Ex.  xxxix.  32,  especially 
of  buildings,  as  of  the  temple,  1  Kings  vi.  38, 
but  likewise  of  predicted  events,  Dan.  xii.  7; 
in  the  Piel,  to  finish,  1  Kings  vii.  1  sq. ;  in  Pual, 
to  be  completed,   Gen.  ii.  1 ;  on  the  other  Bide, 

to  pass  away.  Taking  it  thus,  HwDT  is  essen- 
tially the  same  as  rviJO^S,  which  is  used  as  its 
synonym,  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  21  (Vulg.  ut  complere- 


tur)t  although  this  term  rests  on  a  different  idea. 
The  word  of  God  is  not  as  with  /VIN70  to  be 
regarded  as  a  measure  to  be  filled  full,  but  as 
the  vital  beginning  of  that  which  is  to  be  car- 
ried out. — That  our  author,  as  well  as  the  author 
of  Dan.  ix.  1,  brings  into  consideration  above 
all  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  xxv.  11  sq.  and 
xxix  10,  not  that  of  Is.  xli.  2-4,  25  ;  xliv.  24-28; 
xlv.  1-6,  13;  xlvi.  11;  xlviii.  13-15,  is  to  be 
explained  from  the  fact  that  he  is  concerned,  as 
we  see  from  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  21,  not  merely  with 
the  deliverance  after  the  exile,  but  likewise  with 
the  lime  of  that  deliverance,  that  is,  with  its 
beginning,  after  the  expiration  of  the  seventy 
years  of  the  exile,  which  is  foretold  in  Jeremiah 
alone.  Besides  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  were 
the  more  popular  as  they  were  older  and  more 
fundamental.*  The  seventy  years  of  the  exile, 
to  the  first  year  of  Cyrus,  can  only  be  made  out 
by  going  back  to  the  first  beginning  of  all  the 
Chaldean  wars,  conquests  and  captivities  of  Israel 
— that  is,  to  the  victory  of  Nebuchadnezzar  over 
Pharaoh-Necho  at  Carchemish  in  fhe  fourth  year 
of  Jehoiakim,  60b"  B.  C.  [Rawlinson  and  Smith 
both  make  the  date  605  B.  C.  The  former  con- 
tends that  seventy  is  a  round  number  sufficiently 
fulfilled  by  sixty  eight  years,  which  he  makes 
between  605  and  538.  — Tr.],  wheu  Jeremiah 
first  uttered  the  prophecy  under  consideration 
(comp.  ch.  xxv.  1  sq.  and  xlvi.  1).  We  are  fully 
justified  in  doing  this,  as  is  now  again  generally 
recognized.  That  already  in  the  fourth  year 
of  Jehoiakim  there  was  really  a  conquest  of 
Jerusalem  and  a  carrying  into  captivity  of  Jews 
of  the  principal  families,  is  shown  not  only  by 
the  fact  that  this  year  had  to  Jeremiah  the  sig- 
nificance of  an  important  crisis,  comp.  ch.  xxv., 
not  only,  moreover,  from  the  statement,  2  Kings 
xxiv.  1,  that  Nebuchadnezzar  made  a  first  expe- 
dition against  Jehoiakim,  and  then  reduced  him 
to  submission  for  a  long  time,  but  likewise  from 
the  combination  ol  very  definite  historical  state- 
ments. Here  belongs  especially  the  remark  of 
Jer.  xlvi.  2,  that  Nebuchadnezzar  defeated  Pha- 
raoh Necho  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim  at 
Carchemish,  and  in  connection  therewith  the 
account  of  Berosus,  that  he  pursued  the  Egypt- 
ians in  conquest  into  their  own  land,  and  then 
when  the  account  of  the  death  of  his  father 
recalled  him,  bad  carried  away  captive  the  Jews 
among  other  nations.  Besides,  2  Chron.  xxxvi. 
6  may  he  adduced  as  an  evidence  of  this  fact 
(with  Bertheau),  since  the  accouut  there  mani- 
festly tnken  from  ancient  sources,  that  Nebu- 
chadnezzar had  ordered  Jehoiakim  to  be  bound 
with  an  iron  chain,  in  order  to  bring  him  to 
Babylon,  cannot,  be  referred  to  the  last  campaign 

*  [The  author  adopts  the  view  of  Ewald,  Hitzit.  "'  <*!■■ 
that  th*  second  part  of  Isaiali  was  written  by  "the  great 
unknown  in  the  latter  part  ol  the  exile."  This  view  ia 
to  be  rejected,  and  the  unity  of  Isaiah  maintained  with 
most  evangelical  critics.  Hence  the  author's  state- 
ment of  the  priority  of  Jeremiah  falls.— Tu.] 


chap.  i.  1-11. 


21 


against  Jehoinkim,  in  which  he  perished  in  his 
native  laud,  but  only  to  a  previous  expedition. 

The  fact  that  Jeremiah  makes  no  mention  of  a 
capture  of  Jerusalem  in  the  fourth  year  of  Je- 
hoiakim  canuot  count  for  the  contrary  opinion  ; 
for  Jeremiah  touches  upon  the  history  of  Jeru- 
salem only  in  so  far  as  it  determined  his  own 
history;  and  there  is  no  more  importance  to  be 
given  to  the  fact  that  Jeremiah,  oh.  xxxvi.  9  sq., 
caused  to  be  read  in  the  fifth  year  of  Jehoiakim 
and  the  ninth  month  a  prophecy  that  Nebuchad- 
nezzar would  come  and  destroy  the  land.  Je- 
hoiakim  was  ever  thinking  of  rebellion,  and  the 
people  were  of  like  spirit,  and  would  not  believe 
that  ruin  actually  threatened  them  from  the 
Chaldeans.  They  were  therefore  still  in  espe- 
cial need  of  such  a  threatening,  even  if  the  mis- 
fortune had  already  begun.  It  might  also  under 
these  very  circumstances  be  as  unwelcome  to 
them  as  it  appears  from  ch.  xxxvi.  11  sq.  In 
contrast  with  their  hopes  and  efforts  it  was  cer- 
tainly the  most  undesirable  (against  Biihr  on 
2  Kings  xxiv.  1).  At  that  time  they  held  a  fast, 
and  that  they  thereby  would  lament  a  misfortune 
already  suffered,  and  not.  merely  avert  one  that 
was  to  be  feared,  is  in  connection  with  the  false 
security  so  natural  to  them,  and  their  effort  to 
suppress  those  gloomy  thoughts  that  were  any- 
where about  to  have  vent,  is  at  least  highly  pro- 
bable.— The  Lord  stirred  up  the  spirit  of 
Cyrus. — This  does  not  mean  that  Cyrus  was 
influenced  in  the  same  way  as  were  the  prophets, 
upon  whom,  with  their  greater  susceptibility, 
the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  came;  but  yet  an  influ- 
ence in  consequence  of  which  Cyrus  made  the 
will  of  God  his  own  will,  and  executed  it  in  the 
things  under  consideration.  God  gave  him  tho 
resolution  and  the  desire  to  execute  His  inten- 
tion, conip.  1  Chron.  v.  26  j  2  Chron.  xxi.  16; 
Hag.  i.  14  sq.  That  the  Lord  at  this  time  chose 
a  heathen,  and  indeed  the  ruler  of  a  heathen 
empire,  as  His  instrument,  was  in  accordance 
with  the  new  position  that  the  empires  of  the 
world  were  henceforth  to  assume  with  reference 
to  the  kingdom  of  God. — He  made  a  procla- 
mation throughout  all  his  kingdom,  and 
also    (made    known)     by    ■writing. — Usually 

Tip  T^J'n  means  "to  cause  to  be  made  known 
through  heralds,"  comp.  ch.  x.  7;  Neh.  viii.  15; 
2  Chron.  xxx.  5 ;  Ex  xxxvi.  6;  that  it  is  to  be 
taken  here  in  the  same  sense  is  clear  from  the 

use  of    DJ  before  3j-0"D3,  which  is  thus  adjoined 

t:  *  : '  J 

in  zeugma,  so  that  we  must  supply  a  new  verb 
with  a  general  meaning,  such  as  "he  made 
known." 

Ver.  2.  The  decree  of  Cyrus  immediately  fol- 
lowing was  not  merely  designed  for  the  Jews, 
accordingly  was  by  no  means  merely  to  be  com- 
municated to  them  secretly;  but,  according  to 
ver.  4,  it  was  directed  to  all  the  subjects  of  the 
Persian  empire.  All  the  more  striking  there- 
fore is  the  open  confession  of  Jehovah,  which 
Cyrus  makes  at  the  very  beginning. — All  the 
kingdoms  of  the  earth  hath  Jehovah  the 
God  of  heaven  given  me,  and  He  hath 
charged  me  to  build  Him  a  house  — We 
are  not  therefore  to  suppose  that  the  author 
simply  imputed  to  Cyrus  the  acknowledgment 
of  Jehovah   or   indeed    that    he   altogether   in- 


vented this  entire  edict.  Chapter  v.  17;  vi. 
',',  suffice  to  disprove  this  supposition.  It  is 
not  to  be  supposed,  indeed,  that  Cyrus  spak  3 
in  his  edict  of  Jehovah  as  the  God  of  hea- 
ven who  had  given  him  the  lands;  for  his 
subjects  would  have  regarded  it  as  an  apostasy 
from  the  Persian  re'igion,  which  might  ba\o 
been  fatal  to  him  ;  moreover  such  a  thing  woul  1 
be  without  any  analogy.*  Against  this  view 
there  cannot  he  cited  the  case  of  that  king  of 
Hamath  who  in  the  inscription  of  Sargon  at 
Khorsebad  and  Nimrud  is  called  Jahubihd,  in 
another  inscription  however  Ilubikd,  who  thus 
seems  not  only  to  have  employed  the  name  of  El., 
but  likewise  of  Jehovah.  Comp.  Schrader,  I.  c, 
S.  3  sq.  Without  doubt  the  Persians  had  an  en- 
tirely different  self-consciousness  from  the  Sy- 
rians, who  as  a  matler  of  course  were  much  more 
closely  related  to  the  Israelites.  Notwithstand- 
ing this,  however,  it  is  clear  from  the  fact  of 
I  he  edict  itself  and  the  dismission  of  the  Jews, 
that  Cyrus  tolerated  the  religion  of  Jehovah,  at 
least  as  much  as  so  many  others  in  his  wide 
realm,  yea  we  may  certainly  conclude  therefrom 
that  he  favored  it.  He  would  not  only  have  Je- 
hovah recognised  as  a  God  alongside  of  other 
gods;  for  such  a  polytheistic  syncretism  would 
have  accorded  but  little  with  the  strong  mono- 
theistic bent  of  the  Persian  religion,  and  would 
still  less  accord  with  that  recognition  of  Jehovah 
which  is  declared  in  the  decree  before  us.  Cyrus 
might  very  well  have  regarded  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion as  a  method  of  worshipping  the  highest 
God,  which  deserved  a  preference  above  many 
other  sensuous  conceptions  of  the  Deity.  He 
might  have  seen  in  Jehovah,  so  to  speak,  only 
another  name  for  Ahi/ra  muzda,  and  might  have 
been  so  much  the  more  inclined  to  this  concep- 
tion, as  the  Persians  had  an  idea  of  God  which 
in  itself  was  purer  than  that  of  other  nations, 
which  has  been  obscured  for  the  first  time  by 
more  sensuous  religious  elements,  pressing  in 
upon  them  from  Media  and  the  West.  Comp. 
Dollinger,  Ueidenthum  und  Judcitthum,  S.  351  sq. 
[also  llawlinsou's  Ancient-  Monarcliies,  III.,  p. 
97].  A  good  impression  in  this  respect  might 
have  been  made  upon  him  by  the  fact  that  his 
conquest  of  Babylon  had  been  very  desirable  to 
the  Jews,  yea  that  they  had  placed  their  hopes  at 
once  in  him  as  their  deliverer.  It  is  then  but 
probable  that  they  made  their  disposition  and 
expectations  known  to  him,  and  if  they  laid 
before  him,  as  Josephus  sArch.  IX.,  i.  7)  informs 
us,  at  once  likewise  the  prophecies  referring  to 
him  in  Isa.  xli.  2—4,  25  sq.;  xliv.  24-28;  xlv.  1 
sq.,  this  must  have  given  him  a  very  favorable 
disposition  towards  them.  Moreover,  as  Cyrus 
recognised  in  the  Jewish  God,  so  might  the  Jew  s 
easily  find  in  the  Persian  God  one  closely  related 
to  their  own,  yea  identical  with  Him.  Without 
regard  to  the  fact  that  the  divine  name  Ahura  = 
asura,  from  as  =  esse,  to  a  certain  extent  coin- 
cides with  il'liT  (compare  Bottcher,  Rudimenta. 
mythologve  semiticte,  spec.  I.),  the  Zoroastrian 
religion  was  nearer  to  the  religion  of  Jehovah 
than  any  other,  and  it  is  very  remarkable  that 
it  is  predicted  in  Isa.  x'i.  25;   xlv.  3,  not   only 

*  [We  have  here  not  a  citation  of  the  very  words  of 
the  decree,  as  is  so  often  tie'  ease  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
tint  rather  a  free  reprodu  'tion  of  it. — 'fa.  J 


22 


THE  BOOK.  OF  EZRA. 


that  Cyrus  will  call  upon  and  proclaim  the  name 
of  the  Lord;  that  he  will  recognise  Jehovah  as 
the  one  who  ha9  chosen  him,  but  likewise  that 
he  will  be  a  mighty  instrument  in  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  for  overcoming  the  respect  of  the  Chal- 
dean gods.  In  fact,  since  Cyrus  and  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  Persian  empire,  the  temptation 
to  the  rude  worship  of  idols  has  declined  as  never 
before,  not  only  in  Israel,  but  likewise  there 
gradually  came  over  the  other  nations,  even  over 
the  Greeks  and  Romans  from  that  time  forth 
more  and  more  a  spirit  of  enlightenment  that 
certainly  paved  the  way  for  the  agency  of  the 
second  great  instrument  of  God,  the  servant  of 
the  Lord  foretold  in  Isa.  xlii. — The  introduction 
given  by  Cyrus  to  his  decree:  "all  the  kingdoms 
of  the  e:irth  haih  Jehovah  the  God  of  heaven 
given  me,  and  hath  charged  me  with  building 
him  a  house  in  Jerusalem,"  corresponds  with  the 
beginnings  of  the  proclamations  of  the  Persian 
kings,  as  they  are  preserved  to  us  in  the  cunei- 
form inscriptions.  These  likewise  frequently 
begin  with  the  confession  that  they  owe  their 
dominion  to  the  highest  God,  the  creator  of 
heaven  and  earth.  (Comp.  Lassen,  Die  altprrsis- 
chen  Keilinschriften,  Bonn,  1836,  S.  172;  and  more 
recently  Joach.  Menant,  Exposi  des  elements  de  la 
grammaire  Assyrienne,  Par.,  1868,  p.  302  sq.,  ac- 
cording to  whom  the  trilingual  inscription  of 
Elvend  begins  thus:  deus  mar/nus  Aiira-mazda, 
qui  maximus  deorum,  qui  hanc  terrain  creavit,  qui 
hoc  ccclum  creavit ,  qui  homines  creavit,  qui potentiam 
(?)  dedit  hommibus,  qui  Xerxem  rejem  fecit,  etc. 
[Also  Rawlinson's  Monarchies,  III.,  348,  and  bis 
Com.  on  Ezra,  where  he  gives  the  inscription  of  Da- 
rius :  "  The  great  God,  Ormazd,  who  is  the  chief 
of  the  gods;  he  established  Darius  as  king;  ho 
granted  him  the  empire;  by  the  grace  of  Ormazd 
is  Darius  king." — Tr.]).  The  words:  "all  the 
kingdoms  of  the  earth"  are  explained  from  the 
wide  extent  of  the  Persian  empire.  When  Cyrus 
conquered  Babylon,  he  had  already  subjugated 
to  himself  almost  the  entire  eastern  Asia,  even 
to  the  Indian  Ocean  (according  to  Berosus  in 
Joseph,  c.  Ap.).  Afterwards  he  pressed  south- 
ward also,  and  entered  even  into  Egypt  and 
Ethiopia.  The  words  of  Cyrus:  "lie  hath 
charged  me  to  build  Him  a  house,"  would  be 
possible  and  justified  even  if  he  had  merely  felt 
himself  charged  by  circumstances  to  build  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  but  is  still  better  explained 
if  the  Jews,  as  Josephus,  I.  c,  says,  laid  before 
him  Isaiah  xliv.  24  and  28,  and  xlv.  1  sq. 
[So  also  Rawlinson,  who  says:  "It  is  a  reason- 
able conjecture  that,  on  the  capture  of  Babylon, 
Cyrus  was  brought  into  personal  contact  with 
Daniel,  and  that  his  attention  was  drawn  by  that 
prophet  to  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah. — Cyrus  pro- 
bably accepted  this  prophecy  as  a  'cbarge'  to 
rebuild  the  temple."  Keil  also  refers  to  Dan. 
vi.,  which  states  that  Darius  the  Mede  made 
Daniel  one  of  the  three  presidents  of  the  one 
hundred  and  twenty  satraps  of  the  empire,  and 
valued  him  greatly  at  court. — Tr.].  J.  H.  Mi- 
chaelis  therefore  explains  the  passage  thus: 
mindavit  milii,  nimirum  dudum  ante  per  Jesaiam, 
cap.  xliv.  21-28;  xlv.  1-13.  The  reference  to 
tin'se  prophecies  is  :i  11  the  more  apparent  since 
there,  as  well  as  here,  the  Bums  fundamental 
fact    is    so    strongly    and    repeatedly     empha- 


sized, namely,  that  the  Lord  gave  to  him  the 
kingdoms  of  the  earth,  comp.  especially  Isa.  xli. 
2,  3,  2o;  xlv.  1  sq.  Comp.  A.  F.  Kleiuert,  Ueher 
die  Echtheit  sammtHcher  in  dem  Buch  Jesaia  enllial- 
tenem   Weiisagungen,  Berlin,  1829. 

Ver.  3.  Cyrus  would  first  call  upon  the  Jews, 
but  yet  turn  to  all  his  subjects  with  his  address ; 
because  he  had  something  to  say  to  those  also 
who  were  not  Jews,  but  were  dwelling  with  the 
Jews  — Who  among  you,  of  all  His  people, 
etc.  With  all  the  people  of  Jehovah  he  also  pro- 
perly includes  the  descendants  of  the  ten  tribes. 
Vet  these  seem  not  to  have  been  thought  of,  nor 
does  it  seem  that  any  important  element  of  them 
made  use  of  the  permission  of  Cyrus.  The  bless- 
ing:—His  God  be  with  him — thus  emphatic 
in  position,  shows  that  that  which  fallows  is  not 
so  much  command  as  permission,  as  if  he  would 
say:  His  God  be  with  him  should  he  go  up  and 
build.  Besides,  this  wish  involves  not  only  the 
permission  to  build  the  temple,  but  at  the  same 
time  the  consent  to  all  that  was  necessarily  con- 
nected therewith,  especially  the  (migration  to 
Palestine.*  The  additional  clause,  He  is  the 
God  who  is  at  Jerusalem,  which  would  give 
the  motive  for  building  the  temple  of  Jehovah, 
does  not  mean  that  Jehovah  is  present  only  in 
Jerusalem,  and  only  has  power  in  Canaan,  for 
Cyrus  has  already  ascribed  to  Him  the  power 
over  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth — but  it  simply 
expresses  the  idea  that  He  has  chosen  Jerusalem, 
above  all  oilier  places,  as  the  holy  place  which 
He  would  have  distinguished  for  His  worship. 
[Compare  the  confession  of  Darius,  Dau.  vi.  2ti, 
"  He  is  the  living  God." — Tr.] 

Ver.  4.  And  as  for  every  one  of  the  sur- 
vivors, let  the  people  of  his  place  assist 
him,  etc — The  heathen,  on  their  part,  are  to  as- 
sist. 1K"Jjn_73,  is  accusative  absolute,  placed 
before  for  emphasis.  The  designation  of  the 
exiles  as  survivors,  properly  those  left  over,  is 
connected  with  the  thought  of  the  great  and  se- 
vere judgments  that  had  overtaken  Israel,  and  is 
found  therefore  especially  among  the  Israelites 
themselves,  comp.  Neh.  i.  2sq.;  Hag.  ii.  3  sq. 
This  thought,  however,  was  natural  enough  even 
for  the  heathen.  The  words  :  From  all  the 
places  where  he  sojourneth,  can  only  be 
connected  with  the  subsequent  clause.  The  Piel 
X^?J  here  means  to  assist,  as  in  1  Kings  ix.  11, 
etc. — With  silver  and  with  gold,  and  with 
goods  (here  perhaps  clothing  or  ten's)  they  are 
to  enable  the  departing  to  emigrate.  —  Besides 
the  free-will  offering. — This  was  something 
additional  (D^  comp.  ver.  6)  to  the  gifts,  by 
which  they  were  to  contribute  directly  to  the 
building  of  the  house  of  God.  Comp.  chap.  viii. 
25;  Ex.  xxxv.  29;  Lev.  xxii.  25.  [Rawlinson 
regards  the  free-will  offering  as  that  of  Cyrus 
himself. — Tr.] 

Ver.  5.  The  permission  to  march  to  Jerusalem 
was  made  use  of  by  the  heads  of  the  fathers 
of  Judah  and  Benjamin  and  the  priests 
and  the   Levites. — We  are  to  conclude  as  a 

*  1  see  no  sufficient  ground,  with  Ewald,  Lehrhuch,  9. 
7:U.  either  to  strike  uut  entirely  TV  or  change  it  into 

nin\  after  2  Chrou.  xxxvi.  23.    In  Esd.  ii.  5,  we  have 

for  it  ivrta. 


chap.  i.  1-11. 


23 


mutter  of  course  that  with  the  heads  of  the  fa- 
thers* the  fathers  themselves  set  out,  and  with 
the  fathers  their  families  ;  that  is,  that  the  divi- 
sions of  a  higher  aud  lower  degree  accompanied 
their  heads.  But  it  does  not  mean  that  all  of 
the  heads  of  the  three  tribes  mentioned  sot  out, 
hut  all  -whose  spirit  God  had  raised. — It 
certainly  must  have  been  the  most  of  them,  other- 
wise it  would  not  have  been  said  so  distinctly 

the  heads  of  the   fathers.     The  simple   737   (to 

*  T  I       x 

be  distinguished  from  737?,  chap.  vii.  28)  does 
not  serve,  in  enumerations,  to  add  in  a  short  and 
summary  way  all  the  others,  which  have  not  yet 
been  mentioned,  as  if  the  meaning  were  that  be- 
sides the  heads  there  were  others  also  who  Bet 
out  (Berth.  [A.  V.]),  but  it  adds  to  that  which 
has  been  already  said  a  still  closer  definition, 
which  is  important  to  the  context,  (comp.  Neh. 
xi.  2  ;  1  Chron.  xiii.  1 ;  2  Chron.  v.  12),  so  that 
it  corresponds  with    our   "namely,"   "that  is" 

[Ew.  5  310  a],  7  properly  here,  as  elsewhere, 
indicates  the  belonging  to  a  class  or  kind.  The 
author  has  then,  in  a  manner  peculiar  to  him- 
self, subordinated   the  following  relative  clause 

to  the  "73  without  T$N.  God  must  awake  the 
spirit  of  those  who  would  ascend,  that  is,  must 
make  them  willing  (comp.  ver.  1 ) ;  for  the  return 
home  was  not  a  matter  that  required  no  consi- 
deration. Their  native  land  lay  either  desolate 
or  occupied  with  heathen  and  barbarous  nations. 
Great  dangers  threatened  the  little  nation,  that 
would  put  itself  in  opposition  withthe  inhabitants 
and  indeed  severe  tasks  awaited  them  In  Ba- 
bylon, on  the  other  hand,  their  circumstances 
had  become  such  that  they  could  very  well  en- 
dure them,  yea,  they  were  favorable,  as  we  can 
see  from  Isa.  lvi.  11 — Iviii.,  hence  ■KoWoi  narc- 
fieivav  £v  ttj  Ja  3i'?.£ivt  r&  KT^fiara  Kara7jrrliv  bv 
$e?.nvrec.  ( Many  remained  behind  in  Babylon, 
unwilling  to  relinquish  their  property  (Joseph. 
Arch.  XI.  1,  1). 

Ver.  6.  All  they  that  -were  about  them. — 
The  call  to  assist  the  returning  exiles  was  obeyed 
and  their  neighbors,  who  certainly  included  the 
Israelites,  who  remained  behind,  who  if  they  had 
means,  would  especially  contribute  with  liber- 
ality (comp.  Zech.  vi.  9)  in  order  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent to  make  up  for  what  they  seemed  to  neglect 
by  their  remaining  behind.  But  there  were 
surely  heathen,  also,  whom  Cyrus  had  chiefly  in 
view,  under  the  supposition  that  the  Israelites 
could  not  let  his  permission  go  by  without  using 
it.  The  example  of  the  king  and  his  exhorta- 
tion must  have  already  made  them  willing,  but 
there  were  certainly  here  and  there  some  who 
were  influenced  by  their  friendly  relations  to 
the  departing.  D7YT3  Dtn  means,  like  p'Tnn 
T3,  first  of  all  to  lake  by  the  hand,  in  order  to 
hold  or  support  (Berth.,  Kdl),  then  passes  over 

•  LTfaKTI  'BftO  for  the  fuller  form  fYUNn  JT3  'Bfafl, 

T  |T       "         T  T    |T  "  "       T 

Ex.  vi.  14.  that  is.  heads  or  ehiofs  nf  the  fathers'  houses 
or  families,  which  were  subdivisions  of  the  r\in3~"0,  as 
the  latter  were  of  the  D'BSi?  or  tribes.  Thus  the  fathers" 

houses  of  the  going  up  from  Bahvlon  are  in  striking 
contrast  with  the  tribes  of  the  going  up  from  Egypt. 


as  the  German  "  jemandem  unter  die.  Arme yreifen," 
immediately  to  the  meaning  "assist"  (although 
the  construction  with  3  is  against  a  full  equiva- 
lence of  the  expression  with  the  frequently-oc- 
curring T  DTrij  as  is  clear  from  the  context, 
which  demands  the  meaning,  assist,  the  3  be- 
fore (1DZ)~,73  the  following  noun  37ir,  and  the 
ti'Cl)  corresponding  to  it  in  ver.  4. — Besides  all 
that  was  willingly  offered. — "137  is  here  con- 
nected with  TJ>,  (which  properly  would  have 
sufficed  by  itself),  for  the  usual  [3  Gen.  xxxii.  12. 
Comp.  Ex.  xii.  37  ;  Num.  xxix.  39.  ~13  after 
7.1'  is  certainly  to  be  taken  as  neuter.  2.7J?n 
which  is  closely  connected  with  the  foregoing 
must  have  supplied  not  only  "VlW,  but  also  the 
subject  "what"  he,  namely,  the  giver,  gave  as  an 
offering.  3Tjnn  means  properly  "  to  act  freely," 
is  frequently  used  in  this  sense  by  our  author,  so 
likewise  here  "  to  give  freely,"  comp.  1  Chron. 
xxix.  9;  Ezra  ii.  68;  iii.  5,  and  indeed  in  the 
liturgical  sense  "  give  for  the  temple,"  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  as  an  offering,  71313.     Comp.  ver.  4. 

Vers.  7—11.  It  was  Cyrus  himself  who  espe- 
cially helped  the  returning  exiles  by  bestow- 
ing upon  them  the  vessels  that  had  been 
plundered  from  the  temple.  These  vessels  might 
have  been  taken  away  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  at 
the  very  first  capture  of  Jerusalem  in  the 
fourth  year  of  Jchoiakim,  comp.  2  Chron.  xxxvi. 
7;  Dan.  i.  2.  That  nothing  of  the  kind  is  men- 
tioned either  in  2  Kings  xxiv.,  or  by  Jeremiah, 
is  explained  naturally  from  the  fact  that  iu  ge- 
neral so  little  is  expressly  said  with  reference  to 
that  first  campaign  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  When 
.lehoiachin  (Jechoniah)  was  carried  away  cap- 
tive, there  was  certainly  a  plundering  of  the 
temple,  and  that  seemed  more  worthy  of  men- 
tion, 2  Kings  xxiv.  13;  Jer.  xxvii.  10;  xxviii.  1 
sq. ;  whilst  it  is  expressly  said,  2  Kings  xxiv. 
13,  that  Nebuchadnezzar  at  this  time  brake  off 
the  gold  of  the  vessels,  which  seems  to  indicate 
that  there  were  no  longer  vessels  of  massive  gold, 
but  merely  vessels  overlaid  with  gold.  When 
Zedekiah  was  set  aside  by  the  governor  of  Ne- 
buchadnezzar, Nebuzaradan  (2  Kings  xxv.  13 sq.; 
Jer.  Iii.  18  sq.),  the  vessels  remaining  were 
mostly  of  brass. 

Ver.  8.  Cyrus  delivered  over  the  vessels  by 
the  hand  of  the  treasurer  Mithredates.* — 

T~7j£,  that  is,  so  that  he  had  at  the  same  time  to 
take  them  in  his  hands  to  inspect  them,  to  recog- 
nize them  as  the  vessels  of  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem, accordingly  under  his  supervision.  Comp. 
chap.  viii.  33  j  Esth.  vi.  9.  13U  is  the  Zend 
gaza-bara,  treasurer,  whilst  the  other  form,  "1313 
pi.  J'"}?^  Dan.  iii.  2,  3,  corresponds  with  the 
old  Persian  gadn-bara   (gaint  bnra,  modern   Per- 

*  [Milhredath.  Rawlinson:  "  The  occurrence  of  tiiis 
name,  which  means  given  by  Mithra,"  Persian  .1/  '/<- 
,'i'M  =  Mithra,  "tiie  Sun-God,"  and  data  past  part,  of 
da  ™  "to  give."  or  dedicated  to  Mithra,  is  an  indication 
that  the  sun  worship  of  the  Persians  was  at  lea^t  as  old 
as  the  time  of  Cvrus.  (Comp.  Xen.  Ci.rop.  ch.  VIII.3, 
■(  24.--TH.] 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZilA. 


sian  geng'  war)  from  gada  or  ganda.  Comp.  Eeil, 
Dan.  v.  36,  Anm.  1. — Sheshbazzar,  the  prince 
of  Judah,  to  whom  Mithredates  counted  out  the 
vessels,  meets  us  again  in  the  Chaldee  passage, 
chap.  v.  14,  16,  and  indeed  as  pacha  or  governor 
tf  the  new  community  in  Judea,  who  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  new  temple,  so  that  without 
question  he  is  identical  with  Zerubbabel  (chap, 
ii.  2;  iii.  8  ;  iv.  3)  the  son  of  Sheiltiel  (chap.  iii. 
2,  8;  v.  2  ;  Hag.  i.  1,  etc.,  comp.  also  Matth. 
i.  12  ;  Luke  iii.  27),  who,  1  Chron.  iii.  19,  is  like- 
wise a  son  of  Pedaiah,  a  brother  of  Sheaitiel,  and 
belongs  to  the  family  of  Daniel.  Alongside 
of  the  more  Chaldee  name  of  Sheshbazzar,  Zerub- 
babel was  used  as  a  more  Hebrew  name.  The 
latter  occurs  even  in  the  Chaldee  part  of  the 
book,  chap.  v.  2.  In  the  same  way  Daniel  an  1 
his  three  companions  had  with  their  Chaldee 
names,  which  they  received  when  they  entered 
into  the  service  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  likewise 
Hebrew  names,  Dan.  i.  7.  The  meaning  of  Shesh- 
bazzar is  still  more  uncertain  than  that  of  Zerub- 
babel. Not  even  the  pronunciation  of  the  word 
is  certain.  The  Alex,  version  has,  in  most  ac- 
cordance with  the  Masoretie  form  ^.aaa}aadpt 
but  likewise  Ea,3axaaap,  and  Zava Sdaaapoc.  The 
latter  form  is  found  in  accordance  with  the  best 
MSS.  in  Esdras,  where  the  reading  alongside  of 
it  is  Sauavaoodp. 

Ver.  9.  In  the  enumeration  of  the  vessels  their 
names,  as  well  as  their  numbers,  afford  difficul- 
ties. Instead  of  the  usual  names  for  temple  ves- 
sels, others  are  chosen  here,  perhaps,  because 
they  were  preferred  as  more  comprehensive  and 
popular  terms.  The  detailed  numbers  do  not 
correspond  with  the  sum  total  in  ver.  1 1 .     Thirty 

golden  and  one  thousand  silver  □"/QIJX  were 
numbered  first  of  all,  according  to  the  Alex,  ver- 
sion tyvKTTjpec  (wine  coolers),  Esdras  ii.  11,  oirov- 
deia,  cups  for  drink-offerings,  according  to  the 
interpretation  of  the  Tiilmud  in  Aben  Ezra  from 

"UN  to  collect,  and  rwH,  lamb,  vessels  for  collect- 

~  T  '"' T 

ing  the  blood  of  lambs,  winch  is  certainly  unte- 
nable. Probably  we  have  in  the  Arabic  katallat, 
Syriac  hartolo,  Greek  tcdpraXXoc,  the  same  term, 
accordingly  a  basket  coming  to  a  point  below  (see 

Suidas).  The  twenty-nine  D'2SnO  which  follow, 
are  judged  according  to  their  small  number 
merely  a  subordinate  kind  of  the  preceding, 
which  differed  from  them  in  some  special  kind 
of  dccoraiion  or  arrangements,  thus  not  cultri., 
sacrificial  knives  (Vulg. ),  according  to  rabbini- 
cal interpretation,  from  ^Sn  to  penetrate,  to  cut 
in  two,  but  rather  according  to  r\l£nno=  braids, 
Judges  xvi.  13,  19,  adorned  with  net  work(Ew.) 
or  provided  with  holes  above,  designed  for  in- 
cense (Berth.),  or  likewise  from  ^vn  in  Piel  and 
II i ph.  to  change,  sacrificial  dishes  serving  for 
the  pouring  out  of  the  blood  of  the  sacrifices. 

Ver.  10.  The  thirty  golden  cups  D,"]'!33  (pro- 
perly covered  vessels,  1  Chron.  xxviii.  17)  are 
followed  by  silver  ones  in  parallelism  with  verse 
9.  D'3CD  has  been  taken  by  the  ancient  and 
more  recent  interpreters  as  an  adjective  in  the 
sense  of  secundarii,  as  if  the  Bilver  cups   were 


thereby  compared  with  the  golden  as  expressive 
of  a  less  good,  merely  second  sort  and  quality. 
Since  this  closer  definition  seems  strange  and  at 
any  rate  superfluous,  it  is  more  appropriai  e  to  sup- 
pose that  WyciD  (pointing  it,  as  it  were,  as  a  Pie! 
participle)  designates  a  subordinate  kind  of  eupt, 
corresponding  with  the  CS^riD  in  the  previous 
ver.  and  with  essential'}' the  same  meaning,  which 
likewise  served  for  pouring  out;  or  it  has  ari-en 
from  a  numeral,  perhaps  D'37X  (Esdras  ii.  12), 
so  that  not  410  but  2410  silver  cups  were  re- 
turned. If  we  find  a  subordinate  sort  indicated 
by  D'JtJD,  then  the  number  must  be  supplied  to 
the  previous  principal  sort.  Of  the  subordinate 
sort  there  were  410,  and  of  other  vessels  1.UU0 
more. 

Ver.  11.  The  sum  total,  5400,  is  more  thr.n 
double  the  detailed  numbers  given  in  our  text  of 
the  9ih  and  10th  verses,  2499,  and  can  only  be 
made  out  by  conjecturing  the  number  of  the  sil- 
ver cups  as  1000  or  2000.  If  we  supply  2000, 
the  sum  total  of  4499  results,  thus  in  round  num- 
bers 4500,  and  it  is  possible  this  may  be  the  cor- 
rect sum,  arisen  from  5400  by  transposition  of 
numbers.  But  at  any  rate  the  LXX.  already 
favored  the  text,  as  we  have  it,  and  Esdras  which 
has  1000  golden  and  1000  silver  a-ovona;  29  sil- 
ver -BviaKai,  30  golden,  and  2410  silver  q)id1ai, 
and  1000  other  vessels,  in  all  5469,  has  ventured 
to  conjecture,  in  order  to  reach  the  sum  total  in 
some  measure.  [So  Keil,  but  Ewald,  Oesch.  IV. 
p.  88,  Bertheau  el  al.  more  properly  find  the  key 
to  the  difficulty  in  Esdras. — Tr.].  It  is  however 
possible  that  the  author,  as  J.  H.  Michaelis  as- 
serts against  Clericus,  passed  over  many  sub- 
ordinate vessels  in  the  detail,  but  in  the  sum- 
total  has  taken  them  all  into  consideration.  [Raw- 
linson  thinks  the  sum-total  in  our  passage  a 
conuption. — Tr.]. — All  these  did  Shesh- 
bazzar bring  up  with  (or  ai  i  the  bringing 
up  of  the  captives. — (i"\l7.rn  is  the  infin.  Niph. 
with  passive  meaning  as  in  Jer.  xxxvii.  12).  This 
statement  passes  over  lightly  the  long  and  diffi- 
cult journey  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem.  It  is 
possible  that  the  documents  used  by  our  author, 
contained  something  more  on  this  subject.  But 
the  author  himself  has  hardly  given  anything 
more  that  has  been  lost,  but  he  hastens  to  his 
proper  topic,  to  come  to  the  bui'ding  of  the  tem- 
ple in  Jerusalem.  In  Esdras  v.  1-6  some  verses 
are  found  respecting  the  journey  of  those  who 
returned  under  Darius.  Darius  sent  with  them 
1000  cavalry,  in  order  to  bring  them  in  peace  to 
Jerusalem,  with  musical  instruments,  with  kettle- 
drums and  flutes,  and  all  their  brethren  played, 
etc.  Fritzsch  and  Bertheau  are  of  the  opinion 
that  these  verses  were  taken  from  a  Hebrew  ori- 
ginal and  conjecture  that  they  originally  stood  in 
our  book  of  Ezra,  and  referred  to  the  return  under 
Cyrus.  But  their  contents  are  so  cheerful  that 
we  have  no  reason  for  finding  any  greater  autho- 
rity for  them  than  that  afforded  by  1  Chron.  xi  i. 
8,  and  similar  passages. 

THOUGHTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OF  REDEMPTION. 

Ver.  1.  That  it  might  be  fulfilled. — This  chapter 
contains  nothing  less  than  the  beginning  of  the 
fulfilment  of  all  the  great  and  glorious  prophe- 


CHAP.   I.   1-11. 


25 


cies  with  which  the  prophets  before  the  exile 
brightened  the  gloomy  night  of  the  severe  judg- 
ments of  God — the  dawning  light  of  the  g<aee  of 
God  in  all  its  greatness,  that  would  re-awaken 
the  people  of  God  from  death  and  the  grave,  and 
enable  them  to  live  a  new  and  glorious  life — the 
glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of  God  in  the 
fullest  and  highest  sense.  What  a  great  revolu- 
tion of  affairs  was  now  to  be  expected!  "What  a 
fulness  of  salvation  after  the  night  of  misfortune 
— the  entire  extent  of  Messianic  redemption! 
The  beginnings  were  very  sin  nil.  very  insiguili 
cant.  There  was  no  king  to  rule  in  strength  out 
of  Zion  and  conquer  the  world,  to  restore  the 
ancient  theocracy  in  the  political  sense,  if  it  were 
only  in  the  old  proportions,  not  to  speak  of 
greater  proportions  and  a  more  complete  form. 
There  were  no  people,  great  and  strong,  of  their 
own  increase  in  numbers,  breaking  through 
their  boundaries  and  imparting  themselves  to 
the  world  (comp.  Mic.  ii.  12,  13).  There  was  no 
territory,  broad  and  free,  yea,  not  even  a  little 
piece  of  land,  that  the  people  could  really  call 
their  own,  on  which  they  could  really  feel  that 
they  were  free.  In  other  cases,  when  the  Lord 
had  redeemed  His  people  from  severe  afflictions, 
or  had  intended  to  produce  a  new  and  better  be- 
ginning of  their  development,  He  had  awakene  1 
Irom  their  midst  an  instrument  endued  with  an 
especial  fulness  of  the  Spirit  and  power.  But 
now  even  this  failed  them.  It  was  the  heathen 
king  whom  He  used  as  His  instrument.  More- 
over not  the  people  as  Btich,  but  only  a  small 
portion  of  tbem,  were  permitted  to  re-people 
Jerusalem.  The  reorganization  of  a  political 
commonwealth  was  not  allowed,  but  only  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  temple  and  its  worship. 
Instead  of  a  people,  who  might  have  organized 
and  vindicated  themselves  as  such,  there  could 
now  only  be  a  religious  congregation  in  Jerusa- 
lem and  Judah.  Faith  in  God's  faithfulness  and 
truth,  in  Israel's  lofty  destiny  and  future  glory, 
so  far  as  it  at  all  existed,  or  was  about  to  awaken 
afresh,  was  now  once  more  put  to  a  severe  test, 
even  when  its  confirmation  seemed  to  be  in  pros- 
pect. But  if  the  Lord  had  so  often  and  so  long 
been  obliged  to  wait  until  Israel  turned  in  re- 
pentance to  Him,  how  unreasonable  and  pre- 
sumptuous would  it  have  been,  if  now  Israel  had 
been  unwilling  likewise  to  wait  and  see  whether 
the  Lord  would  yet  again  turn  in  grace  to  them. 
The  Lord  was  obliged  to  have  such  extraordi- 
nary patience  with  men,  that  men,  if  they  knew 
themselves  even  to  a  very  limited  extent,  could 
never  find  reason  or  justice  in  being  impatient 
with  the  Lord.  Besides  it  was  very  well  calcu- 
lated for  those  who  were  to  be  placed  on  a  higher 
•?tand-point  and  have  the  eyes  of  their  faith  made 
more  sensitive,  and  certainly  for  those  who  came 
after  them,  who  might  look  over  these  small  be- 
ginnings, in  connection  with  their  results,  be- 
cause of  its  very  insignificance,  to  enable  them 
to  foresee,  or  at  least  forebode  therein,  the  indi- 
cations of  the  highest  and  brightest,  end,  and  to 
wonder  all  the  more  at  the  really  divine  opera- 
tion of  God;  as  indeed  it  was  permitted  to  more 
than  one  pious  singer,  looking  at  the  glorious 
end,  to  raise  already  his  triumphal  cry  and  ever 
re-echo  it  anew:  the  Lord  is  King,  He  clothes 
Himself    with   salvation.      Comp.  Ps.  xciii.   1; 


xcvi.  10;  xcvii.  1;  xcix.  1  (on  the  basis  of  Isa. 
hi.  7). 

The  word  of  the  Lord  by  the  mouth  of  Jeremiah.' — 
AU  the  previous  prophecies  of  the  impending 
judgments  of  God,  and  the  temporary  ruin  of 
Israel,  had  again  combined  in  the  words  of  Jere- 
miah, and  devi  loped  into  the  greatest  defini'e- 
ness.  As  a  great  prophet,  who  on  the  aii/ii]  of  a 
critical  period,  yea,  immediately  tin  the  brink 
of  the  abyss,  had  caused  the  call  to  repentance 
once  more  to  sound  forth  with  mighty  power,  and 
had  brought  the  prophecy  of  the  impending 
judgment  to  a  conclusion;  like  Elijah  he  became 
typical  of  the  angel  which  the  Lord  would 
send  before  Him,  before  the  coming  of  the  great 
anl  terrible  day,  Mai.  iii.  1.  As  the  Jews  ex- 
pected Elias,  so  did  they  Jeremiah,  before  the 
advent  of  the  great  Messianic  events,  Matth. 
xvi.  14;  Luki  ix.  10;  Bertholdt's  Christol.  S.58. 
Now  it  was  ju-t  this  preacher  of  repentance  and 
chastisement  who  had  become  for  the  exile  times 
and  those  immediately  following,  the  most  im- 
portant preacher  of  salvation,  as  is  clear  likewise 
from  Dan.  ix.  2.  The  Lord  could  not  limit 
through  him  the  duration  of  the  time  of  chastise- 
ment without  therewith  at  the  same  time  prede- 
termining the  time  of  the  beginning  of  the  period 
of  redemption,  so  that,  so  long  as  the  question 
of  the  time  seriously  occupied  the  soul,  the  refe- 
rences were  made  chiefly  to  Jeremiah.  Thus  in 
fact  the  divine  word  of  chastisement  ever  goes 
hand  in  hand  with  His  word  of  salvation,  and 
His  negative  with  His  positive  working.  His 
chastening  is  in  truth  ever  a  helping;  yea,  His 
killing  is  a  making  alive.  He  puts  to  death  only 
the  dead. 

The  Lord  stirred  vp  the  spirit  of  Cyrus,  king  of 
Persia. — The  Lord  had  hitherto  made  use  of  the 
heathen  nations  and  their  kings,  when  Ho  would 
chastise  Israel.  They  had  been  His  rods  and 
had  been  obliged  to  act  in  a  negative  relation  to 
Israel.  Now,  on  the  other  hand,  He  makes  the 
mightiest  empire  of  the  world,  yea,  its  greatest 
king,  to  assist  in  the  accomplishment  of  very  po- 
sitive ends,  in  the  realization  of  His  most  im- 
portant and  greatest  designs  of  redemption. 
Egypt  had  once  been  obliged  to  help  Israel  with 
her  possessions  (Ex.  xi.  -),  being  a  weak  type, 
so  now  the  heathen  who  had  previously  plun- 
dered Israel  were  obliged  to  restore  a  part  of 
their  possessions;  and  Cyrus,  the  king  of  the 
same  empire  that  had  robbed  Israel  of  her  most 
sacred  possessions,  was  obliged  to  restore  the 
holy  vessels,  in  order  to  assist  in  rebuilding  the 
temple  of  the  Lord  in  Jerusalem.  Comp.  Esth. 
viii.  25sq.;  2  Mace.  iii.  33;  xiii.  23.  This  was 
in  fact  much  more  and  bore  stronger  witness  to 
the  truth  of  the  Lord  aud  His  final  victory  over 
the  heathen  world  and  its  idolatry  than  the 
awakening  of  a  great  king  and  prophet  in  Israel. 
It  already  involved  something  of  what  the  great 
prophet  had  uttered  in  the  severest  times  of  af- 
fliction as  the  greatest  consolation,  that  the  samo 
heathen  who  threatened  to  tread  Israel  as  a 
worm  under  their  feet,  should  bring  the  children 
of  Israel  near  in  their  bosom;  yea,  in  that  the 
mightiest  king  of  the  earth,  the  great  king  of 
Persia,  had  assisted  Israel  even  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  their  highest  and  noblest  task,  the 
honoring  of  their  God,  the  word  that  the  kings 


26 


THE  BOOK  OF  BZR  i. 


bIiouU  be  the  nursing  fathers  of  Israel,  and 
their  queens  their  nursing  mothers  (Isc  xlix. 
22,  23),  already  received  the  very  best  fulfil- 
ment. But  it  involved  something  still  greater 
and  more  important.  Since  Israel  remained  in 
such  a  weak  and  dependent  posit iou,  and  was  no 
longer  able  to  give  their  spiritual  blessings  poli- 
tical security  by  a  mighty  commonwealth  of  their 
own  ;  it  must  be  shown,  as  never  before,  that  the 
truth,  whose  bearers  they  were  called  to  be,  was 
able  to  stand  by  its  own  indestructible  power, 
and  was  strong  enough  of  its  own  fulness  and 
glory  to  protect  the  congregation  of  its  adherents 
and  preserve  them,  notwithstanding  their  exter- 
nal dependence,  in  internal  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence. 

Ver.  2.  With  exalted  self-consciousness  Cyrus 
oould  say  not  only  that  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
earth  had  been  given  to  him,  but  also  that  God 
the  Lord  Himself  had  given  them  to  him.  More- 
over he  says  this  with  humility,  for  it  is  with 
the  feeling  and  recognition  of  the  task  thereby 
imposed  upon  him  by  God  of  building  His  tem- 
ple. Naturally  enough,  he  does  not  behold, — ■ 
yea,  he  does  not  even  surmise,  what  a  high  mis- 
sion he  has,  that  he  is  thereby  bringing  into  ex- 
istence the  bud  out  of  which  the  kingdom  of  God 
in  its  time  is  to  break  forth  as  the  loveliest  blos- 
som and  noblest  fruit  as  well  to  the  blessing  of 
all  nations,  as  for  the  complete  glorification  of 
the  divine  name;  but  however  little  he  under- 
stood this,  he  yet  nevertheless  in  praiseworthy 
respect  before  the  holiest  things  of  a  nation 
reached  for  h  his  hand  full  of  help,  and  fulfilled 
unconsciously  the  highest  mission  of  a  temporal 
prince.  What  he  accomplished  was  indeed  still 
something  in  embryo,  but  we  can  see  in  the  co- 
vering still  wrapped  about  it  already  the  sprout- 
ing forth  of  the  richest  and  most  wonderful  life. 
Hence  it  is  that  the  sacred  Scriptures  have  ac- 
corded him  a  significance  that  is  given  to  no 
other  foreign  king.  The  Lord  does  not  call  him 
His  servant  as  Nebuchadnezzar  (Jer.  xxv.  9; 
xxvii.  6;  xliii.  10),  but  His  shepherd,  who  will 
fulfil  all  His  pleasure,  yea,  His  mashiah  (Is.  xliv. 
28;  xlv.  1).  It  has  been  said  that  in  Isa.  xl. — 
xlviii.  Cyrus  comes  into  consideration  even  for 
Messianic  prophecy;  for  the  servant  of  the  Lord 
is  placed  in  prospect  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  higher  Messianic  hopes,  Cyrus  for  the  lower. 
This  is  correct,  inasmuch  as  the  external  politi- 
cal work  tbat  is  necessary  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  salvation  is  assigned  chiefly  to  him,  since 
indeed  the  proper  mediator  of  salvation  ia  to 
execute  a  higher  spiritual  ministry.  It  may 
therefore  be  said  with  a  certain  propriety 
(Starke)  that  he  is  a  type  of  Christ  in  His 
royal  oifice.  Placed  at  the  beginning  of  a  new 
period,  when  the  congregation  was  to  be  consti- 
tuted no  longer  as  a  political,  but  as  a  religious 
body,  he  is  the  first  of  those  who  put  external 
political  affairs  in  such  a  relation  to  that  body, 
that  whilst  something  different  from,  they  are 
yet  friendly,  supporting  and  protecting;  and  he 
is  well  adapted  to  represent  for  all  time  this  mi- 
nistry of  the  patron.  His  name  has  been  incor- 
rectly explained  as  "sun."  In  modern  Persian 
the  sun  is  char;  in  Zend,  hvnrc;  sunshine  is 
charsid,  with  a  weak  initial  ch,  which,  according 
to  Rawlinson,  Spiegel,  et  al.,  would  lead  us  to 


expect  in  ancient  Persian  uwara,  whilst  Cyrus  on 
the  monuments  is  kuru  or  khuru,  on  a  block  of 
marble  in  the  valley  of  Murghab,  near  the  tomb 
o'  Cyrus;  k'ur'u.i,  so  likewise  Beh.  I.  28,  39,  etc. 
(couip.  Schrader,  I.  c,  S.214),  with  initial  hard 
k.  But  the  prophet  did  actually  view  him  as 
possessed  of  a  sunny  nature  and  activity,  since 
he  represents  the  Lord  as  inquiring  with  refer- 
ence to  him;  who  raised  up  righteousness  from 
the  east;  called  him  to  his  foot,  etc.  (Isa.  xli  2). 
and  is  constantly  putting  him  in  relation  to  the 
sunrise  (xli.  20;  xlvi.  11). 

Ver.  3.  Let  him  go  up  and  build. — -In  former 
times  Israel  had  needed  external  political  inde- 
pendence and  a  government  of  their  own,  simply 
because  they  were  still  too  weak  to  preserve  the 
pound  entrusted  to  them  for  the  entire  human 
race,  without  external  props  ami  means  of  pro- 
tection; because  the  sweet  and  saving  kernel 
which  was  to  develope  in  Israel  could  only  ripen 
as  it  were  in  a  sufficiently  firm  shell.  The  dan- 
ger of  their  giving  themselves  over  internally  to 
heathenism  was  for  the  most  part  overcome  by 
their  having  been  externally  abandoned  in  exile 
among  the  heathen.  The  tendency  to  heathen- 
ism, that  previous  to  the  exile  broke  out  again 
and  again  with  ever-increasing  strength,  and 
which  in  the  previous  centuries  could  have  been 
overcome  with  difficulty,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
it  had  the  appearance  of  being  an  advance  in 
enlightenment  beyond  the  ancient  faith  of  their 
fathers,  had  been  rendered  disgusting  to  them 
by  the  cruelty  and  severity  of  the  heathen  them- 
selves. Thus  it  was  now  possible  that  there 
should  be  a  new  form  of  life  and  activity  entirely 
different  from  any  thing  previous.  It  was  the 
most  important  change  of  affairs  that  could  take 
place  at  any  time  before  Christ  (comp.  Ewald, 
Gesch.  Israels  IV.  S.  35).  The  task  of  establish- 
ing a  grand  independent  form  of  government  for 
the  national  life,  and  securing  it  by  the  develop- 
ment of  power  externally,  could  now  be  aban- 
doned; the  task  of  cultivating  the  worship  of 
the  true  God  could  be  made  much  more  prepon- 
derating in  its  influence;  Israel  could  become  a 
religious  congregation  instead  of  a  political  com- 
monwealth; they  could — expressing  the  idea 
with  the  words  of  Cyrus — go  up  and  build  the 
temple  of  the  Lord.  That  this  great  change 
was  now  actually  accomplished,  in  that,  there 
was  so  little  cohesion  in  Israel  itself,  and,  for 
the  most  part,  there  was  so  little  thought  of 
again  constituting  a  powerful  body  externally, 
whilst  Cyrus,  on  his  part,  did  not  afford  them 
political  freedom,  but  only  religious  liberty; 
that  was  in  truth  no  hindrance  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  kingdom  of  God,  but  an  indication 
of  what  the  Lord  would  accomplish  with  His 
people,  a  preparation  of  the  kingdom  of  God  as 
a  kingdom  which  is  not  of  this  world,  which  in 
truth  deserves  to  be  called  the  kingdom  of  hea- 
ven. The  blessing  that  was  to  come  from  Israel 
upon  the  families  of  the  earth  was  thus  too  spi- 
ritual and  internal  to  be  brought  about  among 
the  nations  through  a  government  with  external 
means.  Israel's  proper  and  highest  task  could 
henceforth  only  be  to  let  the  external  opposition 
to  the  nations  of  the  world  more  and  more  pass 
away,  to  subordinate  themselves  more  and  more 
in  external  and  temporal  things;  at  the  iame 


CHAP.  I.  1-11 


il 


time  disappearing  among  them  as  an  external 
body,  in  order  to  permeate  them  so  much  the 
more  internally  with  the  holy  and  divine  things 
committed  to  their  trust. 

Ver.  5.  "  And  the  heads  of  the  fathers  arose." — 
It  was  also  already  a  step  nearer  to  the  end  and 
a  hint  of  what  must  transpire  in  greater  and 
greater  proportions,  that  Israel  no  longer  as 
such,  or  according  to  an  external  necessity  of 
nationality,  but  that  only  a  part  of  Israel  by 
virtue  of  free  resolution  marched  to  Jerusalem 
to  constitute  the  new  religious  community  at 
that  place.  Individual  freedom,  and  accord- 
ingly the  importance  of  the  single  person  and 
the  right  of  the  personal  subject,  have  their 
proper  place  in  the  kingdom  of  God.  Only 
those  marched  up  whom  the  Spirit  of  God  awa- 
kened, that  is,  only  the  zealous  and  the  awa- 
kened, whose  spirits  allowed  themselves  to  be 
filled  from  God  with  courage  and  joy  to  over- 
come a1!  the  difficulties  that  opposed  them,  and 
with  a  longing  for  the  land  of  their  fathers  that 
outweighed  every  other  consideration.  This 
limitation  was,  moreover,  entirely  in  accordance 
with  the  divine  purpose.  They  must  bring  with 
them  a  zeal  for  the  service  of  the  true  God  that 
could  not  be  quenched,  at  least  entirely  by  the 
difficult  and  gloomy  circumstances  in  Judea, 
that  might  be  enkindled  and  fed  in  some  of 
them  by  these  very  circumstances.  For  although 
those  remaining  behind  still  retained  an  impor- 
tance with  reference  to  the  kingdom  of  God,  yet 
the  most  direct  and  greatest  importance  was 
henceforth  to  be  given  to  the  congregation  in 
Judea;  they  were  to  constitute  first  and  chiefly 
the  ground  in  which  the  highest  and  noblest 
things  might  become  possible. 

Ver.  6.  *'  And  all  their  neighbors  helped  them." 
The  world  generally  will  be  pleased  only  with 
the  worldly  members  of  the  congregation,  the 
lukewarm  and  faint-hearted.  The  more  decided 
and  zealous  provoke  opposition,  and  are  often 
enough  met  with  hostility,  oppression  and  afflic- 
tion. Yet  there  are  times  when  the  world  is 
obliged  to  make  manifest  the  fact  that  they  have 
more  respect  for  the  zealous  than  for  the  indif- 
ferent, when  thev  cannot  but  show  their  good- 
will and  friendship,  yea,  act  favorably  towards 
those  very  efforts  that  are  directed  towards 
divine  things.  Even  the  men  of  the  world  have, 
so  long  as  they  have  not  become  entirely  har- 
dened, two  kinds  of  hearts  within  them,  and  it 
is  only  necessary  that  a  suitable  impulse  should 
be  given  them,  that  the  better  heart  may  assert 
itself  within  them.  Even  they  have  a  certain 
feeling  that  their  best  and  deepest  needs  can 
only  be  satisfied  by  God  and  His  Spirit,  as  He 
comes  near  to  them  in  the  true  congregation. 

Vers.  7-11.  And  Cyrus  the  king  brought  forth 
the  vessels  of  the  house  of  the  Lord. — Israel  had 
not  then  been  brought  so  far  as  to  have  been 
able  to  recognize  with  full  clearness  their  pure 
spiritual  calling,  as  to  have  been  ahle  to  sepa- 
rate altogether  with  entire  certainty  the  spiritual 
and  the  divine,  in  which  their  calling  consisted, 
from  the  external,  earthly  and  temporal.  The 
time  when  find  would  have  His  place  of  worship 
neither  in  Jerusalem  nor  on  Gerizim,  could  only 
come  with  a  new  and  higher  stage  of  the  divine 
revelation  of  Himself,  yea,  only  with  the  fulfill- 


ment of  that  revelation.  Until  that  time  the 
Lord  had  Himself  ordered,  in  Accordance  with 
the  lower  and  limited  stand-point  of  His  people, 
that  one  particular,  chosen  place,  a  special 
sanctuary,  with  its  vessels,  and  a  priesthood  set 
apart  from  the  people,  should  to  a  certain  extent 
share  in  the  sanctity  which  was  properly  appro- 
priate only  to  the  Holy  One  Himself.  As  the 
Lord  brought  abi.ut  t lie  restoration  of  the  tem- 
ple itself,  so  lie  did  also  the  restitution  of  the 
sacred  vessels;  ami  the  great  numbers  of  them 
given  b^ck  to  the  returning  exiles,  although 
in  itself  unimportant,  yet  was  notwithstanding 
an  evidence  that.  He  could  re-establish  His  wor- 
ship in  a  magnificence  and  dignity  as  great  as 
possible  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  of  the 
times. — In  connection  with  the  awakening  of 
the  enthusiasm  for  the  ancient  and  honorable 
sanctuaries,  it  might  easily  happen  that  their 
sanctification  might  be  overdone,  yea,  that,  they 
might  take  the  place  of  the  essence  of  religion 
itself,  so  that  the  externalizing  of  religion, 
although  in  a  new  form,  might  creep  in  anew, 
that  a  hierarchy  might  arise  instead  of  the 
kingdom  of  God;  but.  a  congregation,  in  which 
the  only  truly  holy  one  has  once  been  recog- 
nized so  decidedly  as  in  Israel,  carries  the  ker- 
nel of  reformation  ever  in  itself.  And  by  the 
fact  that  the  hierarchy  also  shows  itself  as 
something  unsatisfying,  empty  and  vain,  the 
hunger  after  that  of  which  it  is  the  mere  phan- 
tom must  be  awakened  with  all  the  more  strength, 
at  least  in  the  souls  of  the  more  spiritual. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

The  pledges  of  redemption  possessed  by  the 
congregation  of  the  Lord  even  in  the  severest 
afflictions;  1)  God's  unchaneeable  faithfulness, 
which  fulfils  the  promises  He  has  given  at  the 
right  time;  2)  God's  infinite  grace,  which  chas- 
tises indeed,  but  does  not  give  over  to  death, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  breaks  forth  anew  in  its 
time  in  spite  of  the  severest  judgment ;  3)  God's 
unsearchable  wisdom,  which  advances  towards 
the  end,  even  in  the  most  improbable  manner; 
4. )God's  all-conquering  power,  which  even  makes 
use  of  the  powers  of  the  world  and  their  means. 
The  redemption  from  Babylon  a  type  of  I  lie 
redemption  from  the  bonds  of  the  devil  and 
hell:  1)  With  reference  to  the  Redeemer;  He 
breaks  into  the  kingdom  of  the  enemy  (Babylon) 
and  conquers  it;  2)  With  respect  to  the  Re- 
deemed ;  the  susceptible  arise  in  order  to  march 
home;  3)  With  respect  to  the  end  of  redemption ; 
the  temple  of  the  Lord,  a  tabernacle  of  God 
among  men,  is  built.  Or:  1)  With  reference  to 
its  occasion;  the  greatness  of  the  misery  excites 
God's  compassion;  2)  With  reference  to  its 
source;  it  is  the  divine  grace  notwithstanding 
human  sin  ;  3)  With  reference  to  its  extent  ;  the 
susceptible  are  awakened  to  accept  redemption; 
4)  With  reference  to  its  end ;  it  is  the  glorious 
freedom  and  blessedness  in  the  internal  commu- 
nion with  the  Lord.  Brenttus  remarks  respect- 
ing those  remaining  behind  in  Babylon:  adum- 
brant omnes  illos.  quifidudam  suam  in  hunc  mun- 
dum  eollocant,  satiux  esse  ezixtimantesz  felicitate 
hufue  mundi  frui,  quam  per  infelicitatem  ad  perpt  'ua 
gaudia  ingredi. — Divine   grace    after    wrath:   1) 


28 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


Its  lime;  it  waits  until  God's  chastening  judg- 
ment has  been  accomplished,  but  does  not  tarry, 
but  rather  corresponds  with  the  divine  veracity  ; 
2)  its  method  ;  it  works  often  secretly,  but  shows 
itself  to  be  all  the  more  appropriate  and  glorious 
whether  we  regard  the  instruments  that  it  uses 
or  the  persons  in  whose  behalf  it  is  employed, 
or  the  gracious  acts  that  proceed  from  it;  3) 
its  end;  it  is  the  highest  and  noblest  that  there 
is,  the  budding  of  the  temple,  that  is,  the  recon- 
ciliation of  man  with  God  for  their  salvation 
and  His  glory. — God's  wonderful  ways,  that 
He  chooses  in  leading  His  people:  1)  Out  of  the 
depths  up  on  high ;  2)  By  changing  enemies 
into  friends;  3)  From  small  beginnings  to  a 
glorious  end. 

Ver.  2.  The  universality  of  God's  revelation 
of  Himself:  1)  To  whom  made;  even  the  hea- 
then, even  a  Cyrus;  2)  What  it  reveals:  a) 
that  God  is  the  author  of  all  things,  the  source 
of  all  power  and  strength;  4)  That  He  is  the 
end  of  all  things,  that  every  one  is  obligated  to 
honor  Him. — The  prince  endowed  with  God's 
grace:  1)  He  derives  his  power  from  God:  2) 
He  puts  himself  at  the  service  of  the  divine 
honor. — Man  in  his  true  subordination  to  God: 

1)  he  ascribes  his  possessions  to  God;  2)  he 
employs  them  in  the  divine  honor. 

Ver.  3.  The  work  of  the  redeemed:  1)  to  be 
pilgrims,  namely,  on  the  march  to  the  holy  city; 

2)  To  build  the  temple  of  God;  3)  To  honor 
God  therein  and  be  saved. 

Starke:  Ver.  1.  No  one  will  be  ashamed 
who  patiently  waits  for  divine  help  (Ps.  xxv.  3; 
Sir.  ii.  7;  xvi.  13).  The  king's  heart  is  in  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  as  brooks  of  water,  and  He 


inclines  it  whither  He  will  (Prov.  xxi.  1;  Job 
xii.  24).  God  often  touches  the  hearts  even  of 
unbelieving  princes,  etc.;  therefore  let  us  ever 
pray  for  them  (1  Tim.  ii.  12). 

Ver.  2.  As  Cyrus  was  of  humble  origin,  lived 
in  his  childhood  as  an  humble  shepherd,  and 
then  God  had  been  with  him  in  a  truly  wonder- 
ful manner,  used  him,  moreover,  to  deliver  the 
people  of  God  from  captivity,  so  all  this  is  to  be 
found  in  Christ,  although  in  a  much  more  extra- 
ordinary manner.  It  is  a  very  easy  thing  for 
God  to  make  His  enemies  the  benefactors  of  His 
Church  (Prov.  xvi.  7). 

Ver.  6.  We  are  bound,  in  whatever  station  in' 
life  we  may  be  placed,  to  employ  our  means  for 
the  advancement  of  the  true  worship  of  God  (1 
Chron.  xxx.  6:   2  Chrou.  xxiv.  4;  xxxi.  10). 

[Scott:  When  God  has  work  to  do,  they 
whom  lie  hath  chosen  to  perform  it  find  their 
minds  enlarged  to  entertain  noble  designs. — 
That  which  is  devoted  to  the  service  is  entrusted 
to  the  protection  of  the  Lord. — Henry:  Those 
are  much  honored  whose  spirits  are  stirred  up 
to  begin  with  God  and  to  serve  him  in  their 
first  years. —  Wrll-wiUers  to  the  temple  should  be 
well-doers  for  it. — Our  spirits  naturally  incline 
to  this  earth  and  to  the  things  of  it;  if  they 
move  upwards  in  any  good  affections,  or  good 
actions,  'tis  God  that  raiseth  them. — Words- 
worth: Cyrus  is  contrasted  with  Pharaoh,  who 
resisted  God's  Spirit. — Egypt  gave  up  its  gold 
and  silver  and  jewels  to  Israel  at  their  Exodus; 
Babylon  gave  back  the  vessels  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver to  God's  house.  The  enemies  of  Christ  will 
one  day  be  made  subjects  tributary  to  Him 
(Acts  ii.  35;  1  Cor.  xv.-2o).— Tr.] 


B  —THE  CATALOGUE  OF  THE  RETURNING  EXILES  AND  THEIR  CONTRIBUTIONS  FOR 
THE  BUILDING  OF  THE  TEMPLE. 

Chapter  II.  1-67.     (Comp.  Nehem.  vii.  6-73.) 
I.   The  catalogue  of  the  families  and  households  of  the  pe  pie.     Vers.  1-35. 

1  Now  these  are  the  children  of  the  province  that  went  up  out  of  the  captivity, 
of  those  which  had  been  carried  away,  whom  Nebuchadnezzar  the  king  of  Babylon 
had  carried  away  unto  Babylon,  and  came  again  uuto  Jerusalem  and  Judah,  every 

2  one  unto  his  city;  Which  came  with  Zerubbabel:  Jeshua,  Nehemiah  Seraiah,  Ree- 
laiah,  Mordecai,  Bilshan,  Mizpar,  Bigvai,  Rehum,  Baanah.     The  number  of  the 

3  men  of  the  people  of  Israel:    The  children  of  Parosh,  two  thousand  a  hundred 

4  seventy  and  two.     The  children  of  Shephatiah,  three  hundred  seventy  and  two. 
5,  6  The  children  of  Arah,  seven  hundred  seventy  and  five.     The  children  of  Pahath- 

moah,  of  the  children  of  Jeshua  and  Joab,  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twelve. 

7,  8  The  children  of  Elam,  a  thousand  two  hundred  fifty  and  four.     The  children  of 

9'  Zattu,  nine  hundred  forty  and  five.     The  children  of  Zaccai,  seven  hundred  and 

10,  11  threescore.     The  children  of  Bani,  six  hundred  forty  and  two.     The  children 

12  of  Bebai,  six  hundred  twenty  and  three.     The  children  of  Azgad.  a  thousand  two 

13  hundred  twenty  and  two.     The  children  of  Adonikam,  six  hundred  sixty  and  six. 


CH<\P.  IT.   1-70.  29 


14,  15  The  children  of  Bigvai,  two  thousand  fifty  and  six.  The  children  of  Adiu,  f.  -ur 
16  hundied  fifty  and  four.  The  children  of  Ater  of  Hezekiah,  ninety  and  eight. 
17,  18  The  children  of  Bezai,  three  hundred  twenty  and  three.  The  children  of  Jo- 
19  rah,  a  hundred  and  twelve.  The  children  of  Hashum,  two  hundred  twenty  and 
'_'  •,  21  three.  The  children  of  Gibbar,  ninety  and  five.  The  children  of  Beth-lehein, 
22,  23  a  hundred  tweuty  and  three.     The  meu  of  Netophah,  fifty  and  six.     The  men 

24  of  Anathoth,  a  hundred  twenty  and  eight.     The  children  of  Azraaveth,  forty  and 

25  two.     The  children  of  Kirjath-arim,  Chephirah,  and  Beeroth,  seven  hundred  and 

26  forty  and  three.  The  children  of  Ramah  and  Gaba,  six  hundred  twenty  and  one. 
27,  28  The  men  of  Michmas,  a  hundred  twenty  and  two.  The  men  of  Beth-cI  ami 
29,  30  Ai,  two  hundred  twenty  and  three.     The  children  of  Nebo,  fifty  and  two.     The 

31  children  of  Magbish,  a  huudred  fifty  and  six.     The  children  of  the  other  Elam,  a 

32  thousand  two  hundred  fifty  and  four.     The  children  of  Harim,  three  hundred  and 

33  twenty.  The  children  of  Lod,  Hadid,  and  Ouo,  seven  hundred  tweuty  and  five. 
34,  35  The  children  of  Jericho,  three  hundred  forty  and  five.     The  children  of  Senaah, 

three  thousand  and  six  hundred  and  thirty. 

II.    The  catalogue  of  the  Priests,  Levites,  and  Servants  of  the  Temple.      Vers.  30-58. 

36  The  priests:  the  children  of  Jedaiah,  of  the  house  of  Jeshua,  nine  huudred  seventy 
37,  38  and  three.     The  children  of  Immer,  a  thousand  fifty  and  two.     The  children 

39  of  Pashur,  a  thousand  two  huudred  forty  and  seven.     The  children  of  Harim,  a 

40  thousand  and  seventeen.     The  Levites:  the  children  of  Jeshua  aud  Kadmiel,  of 

41  the  children  of  Hodaviah,  seventy  aud  four.     The  singers:  the  children  of  Asaph, 

42  a  hundred  twenty  ami  eight.  The  children  of  the  porters:  the  children  of  Shallum, 
the  children  of  Ater,  the  children  of  Talmon,  the  children  of  Akkub.  the  children 

43  of  Hatita,  the  children  of  Shobai,  tn  all  a  huudred  thirty  and  nine.     The  Nethinim: 

44  the  children  of  Ziha, the  children  of  Hasupha,  the  children  of  Tabbaoth,  The  children 

45  of  Keros,  the  children  of  Siaha,  the  children  of  Padon,  The  children  of  Lebanah, 

46  the  children  of  Hagabah,  the  children  of  Akkub,  The  children  of  Hagab,  the 

47  children  of  Shalraai,  the  children  of  Hauan,  The  children  of  Giddcl,  the  children 

48  of  Gahar,  the  children  of  Reaiah,  The  children  of  Rezin,  the  children  of  Nekoda, 

49  the  children  of  Gazzam,  The  children  of  Uzza,  the  children  of  Paseah,  the  chil- 

50  dreu  of  Besai,  The  children  of  Asnah,  the  children  of  Mehunim,  the  children  of 

51  Nephusitn,  The  children  of  Bakbuk,  the  children  of  Hakupha.  the  children  of  Har- 

52  hur,  The  children  of  Bazluth,  the  children  of  Mehida,  the  children  of  Harsha, 
53,  54  The  children  of  Barkos,  the  children  of  Sisera,  the  children  of  Thamah,  The 

55  children  of  Neziah,  the  children  of  Hatipha.     The  children  of  Solomon's  servants: 

56  the  children  of  Sotai,  the  children  of  Bophereth,  the  children  of  Peruda,  The  chil- 

57  dren  of  Jaalah,  the  children  of  Darkon,  the  children  of  Giddel,  The  children  of 
Shephatiah,  the  children  of  Hattil,  the  children  of  Pochereth  of  Zebaim,  the  chil- 

58  dren  of  Ami.  All  the  Nethinim,  and  the  children  of  Solomon's  servants,  were  three 
hundred  ninety  aud  two. 

III.    The  members  of  the  People  and  the  Priests  without  Genealogy.      Vers.  59-64. 

59  And  these  were  they  which  went  up  from  Tel-melah,  Tel-harsa,  Cherub,  Addan, 
and  Immer:  but  they  could  not  shew  their  father's  house,  and  their  seed,  whether 

60  they  were  of  Israel :  The  children  of  Delaiah,  the  children  of  Tobiah,  the  children 

61  of  Nekoda,  six  hundred  fifty  aud  two.  And  of  the  children  of  the  priests:  the  chil- 
dren of  Habaiah,  the  children  of  Koz,  the  children  of  Barzillai ;  which  took  a  wife 

62  of  the  daughters  of  Barzillai  the  Gdeadite,  and  was  called  after  their  name:  These 
sought  their  register  among  tho«e  that  were  reckoued  by  genealogy,  but  they  were 

63  not  found:  therefore  were  they,  as  polluted,  put  from  the  priesthood.  And  the  Tir- 
shatha  said  unto  them,  that  they  should  not  cat  of  the  most  holy  things,  till  there 
stood  up  a  priest  with  Urini  and  with  Thummim. 

IV.   Sum  total  of  thasr  irho  returned,  their  Servants  and  Beasts  of  Burden.     Vers.  64-67. 

64  The  whole  congregation  together  was  forty  and  two  thousand  three  hundred  and 

65  threescore,  Besides  their  servants  and  their  maids,  of  whom  there  were  seven  thou- 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


sand  three  hundred  thirty  and  seven :  aud  there  were  among  them  two  hundred  sing- 

66  ing  men  and  singing  women.     Their  hors  s  were  seven  hundred  thiity  and  six; 

67  their  mules,  two  hundred  forty  and  five ;  Their  camels,  four  hundred  thirty  aud 
five ;  their  asses,  six  thousand  seven  hundred  and  twenty. 

V.    Con'ributions  for  the  Building  of  the  Temple,  and  Closing  Remarks.      Vers.  68-70. 

68  Aud  some  of  the  chief  of  the  fathers,  when  they  came  to  the  house  of  the  Lokd 
which  is  at  Jerusalem,  offered  freely  for  the  house  of  God  to  set  it  up  in  his  place: 

69  They  gave  after  their  ability  unto  the  treasure  of  the  work  threescore  and  one  thou- 
sand drams  of  gold,  and  five  thousand  pounds  <  f  silver,  and  one  hundred  priests' 

70  garments.     So  the  priests,  and  the  Levites,  and  some  of  the  people,  and  the  singers, 
and  the  porters,  and  the  Nethinim,  dwelt  in  their  cities,  and  all  Israel  in  their  cities. 

Thus  many  did  not  return  to  the  cities  where 
their  ancestors  had  dwelt,  but  to  the  city  which 
subsequently  waa  their  own  when  this  catalogue 
was  prepared  (with  Bertheau  against  Keil  [Raw- 
linson]).     Comp.  v.  70. 

Ver.  2.  'Which  game  with  Zerubbabel.— - 
Whilst  121CH  in  ver.  1  is  conceived  as  merely  a 
continuation  of  nSjn  "TON,  1N3  "1HX  is  in  ver.  2, 
a  parallel,  co-ordinate  clause.  Hence  it  again 
has  the  preterite.     Nehemiah  in  ver.  1  uses  the 

participle  D'N3    corresponding  with   the   Dwl'H 

in  ver.  1. — Zerubliabel,  now   7330T,    and  some- 

v  t      : 

times  733nf  is  formed  not  from  '111  (scattered), 
as  would  seem  at  first  sight,  but  from  JM"1T  (sowed) 
and  733  (that  is  born  in  Babylon).  Comp.  also 
chap.  i.  11.  Jeshua — £*&'.  (later  form  of  JH#in', 
comp.  Neh.  viii.  17)  is  here  the  first  high-priest 
of  the  new  community,  the  son  of  Jebozadnk, 
the  grandson  of  the  high-priest  Seraiah,  1  Cln  on. 
vi.  14,  whom  Nebuchadnezzar  put  to  death  at 
Riblah,  in  the  land  of  Hamnth,  2  Kings  isf.  18 
sq.  Comp.  chap.  iii.  2,  and  chap.  v.  2.  In  Hag. 
i.  2  and  14,  and  Zech.  iii  1,  we  find  the  older 
form  of  his  name  Jehoshua.  Tlie  other  men 
here  named  who  come  into  consideration  as 
chiefs  are  unknown  to  us.  For  Nehemiah 
and  Mordecai  are  not  at  all  to  be  identified 
with  the  later  persons  who  bore  these  names. 
Instead  of  Seraiah,  Neh.  vii.  gives  Azariah  ;  but 
in  Neh.  x.  2  both  names  are  found  alongside  of 
one  another  as  names  of  families  of  priests  in 
the  time  of  Nehemiah,  so  that  we  may  conjecture 
that  both  names  were  then  favorites  and  in  fre- 
quent use  in  the  families  of  the  priests,  and 
therefore  would  be  easily  interchanged.  If  we 
count  here  the  name  of  Nahamani,  who  is  named 
in  Neh.  vii.  7,  but  is  missing  here,  we  have  just 
t  welve  heads  which,  wit  hout  doubt,  refers  to  a  new 
division  of  the  community  into  twelve  divisions. 
That  the  idea  at  ihe  basis  of  this  catalogue^was 
that  the  new  community  represented  entire  Israel 
and  its  twelve  tribes,  is  char  from  the  title  that 
directly  follows — number  of  the  men  of  the 
people  of  Israel — especially  however  from  the 
twelve  sin  offerings  in  chap.  vi.  1.  Notwith- 
standing this  fad  it  may  be  that  the  twelve  were 
all  from  the  three  tribes  to  which  almost  all  those 
that  returned  belonged,  .ludah,  Benjamin,  and 
Levi.  The  last  words  of  the  verse,  "the  number 
of  the  men  of  ihe  people  of  Israel,"  constitute 


EXEGETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

The  same  catalogue  as  that,  here  given  is  like- 
wise found  in  Neh.  vii.  6-73.  The  two  texts 
differ,  to  some  extent,  iu  the  names,  and  especially 
in  numbers.  This  ia  not  so  remarkable,  con- 
sidering the  long  list ;  at  the  bottom  these  differ- 
ences are  insignificant  enough.  This  is  clear 
from  the  notes  made  in  connection  with  the  trans- 
lation. We  have  passed  over  some  very  trifling 
deviations,  which  are  manifestly  to  be  regarded 
as  due  to  oversight  of  the  copyist.  The  pecu- 
liarities of  Esdras  are  scarcely  anywhere  of  such 
a  character  that  we  can  find  in  them  an  evidence 
of  the  original  reading.  This  catalogue  of  the 
constituents  of  the  new  community  may  be  placed 
in  parallelism  with  lhat  of  the  constituents  of 
the  ancient  community,  Num.  i.  5  sq. 

Verses  1  and  2  give  the  individual  members 
connected  with  the  names  of  their  heads. — 
And  these  are  the  children  of  the  pro- 
vince, etc.  !"U'"1D,  from  ]-Tl,  properly,  judicial 
or  official  district,  is  here  the  province  given  in 
charge  to  the  judge  or  governor  of  Jerusalem 
(Neh.  xi.  3),  just  as  in  chap.  v.  8;  Neh.  i.  2. 
["The  children  of  the  province  are  the  Israelites 
who  returned  to  Palestine,  as  distinct  from  those 
who  rimained  in  Babylon  or  Persia"  (Rawlin- 
Bon). — Tr.]  Instead  of  the  usual  form  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (with  a  in  the  last  syllable),  the  Kethib 
has  Nebuchadnezzor  (with  o),  a  form  which,  to  a 
certain  extent,  is  nearer  to  the  Chaldee  pronun- 
ciation of  the  name.  Another  approximation  is 
the  form  Nebuchadrezzar  (witli  r  in  the  penult) 
in  Jer.  xxi.  2,  7  ;  xxxii.  1 ;  xxxv.  1 1 ;  xxxix.  11, 
etc. ;  Ezek.  xxvi.  7;  xxix.  18  sq. ;  six.  10, — 
and  both  approximations  are  combined  in  that 
of  Nebuchadrezzor.  The  name  in  Chaldee,  ac- 
cording to  Mediant,  Grammaire  Assyrienne,  1868, 
p.  327,  is  nabu  kadurri  vsur;  according  to  Schro- 
der, die  Keilinschriften,  etc.,  S.  235,  is  Nabmvku- 
durrinsur  and  means  "Nebo  protect,  or  protect  the 
crown."  That  in  Hebrew  a  J  is  usual  in  the 
penult,  instead  of  1  is  connected  with  the  fact 
that  the  primitive  form  of  usur  is  nasar. — Every 

one  unto  his  city.— VVJjH  tf'f  >s  apparently 
used  from  the  subsequent  standpoint  of  the  au- 
thor of  the  document.  It  certainly  does  not 
mean,  according  to  the  city,  which  was  already 
theirs  from  the  time  of  the  fathers — for  only  a 
small  portion  of  Ihe  former  southern  kingdom 
was  taken  possession  of  by  the  new  community. 


CHAP.  II.  1-70. 


;i 


the  special  title  of  the  first  section  of  the  cata- 
logue after  the  analogy  of  vers.  3G,  40,  43  and  65. 

Vers.  3-35.  The  families  and  households  of 
the  people.  Many  of  the  names  mentioned  in 
vers.  3-19  and  ver.  32  meet  us  again  in  the 
register  of  the  times  of  Ezra  and  Nt-liomiah,  thus 
the  children  Parosh,  Pahath-Moab,  Adin,  Elam, 
Shephatiah,  Joab,  Bebai,  Azgad,  Adonikam, 
Bigvai,  and  according  to  the  original  reading, 
the  children  of  Zattu  and  Bani,  in  ch.  viii.,  in 
the  catalogue  of  those  returning  with  Ezra;  so 
likewise  men  of  the  sons  of  Parosh,  Elam, 
Zattu,  etc.,  in  ch.  x.,  among  these,  who  bad 
strange  wives,  and  also  in  Neh.  x.  15  sq.,  "from 
which  we  see,  a)  that  of  many  families  only  apart 
returned  with  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua;  another 
part  followed  under  Ezra;  b)  that  heads  of  the 
fathers'  houses  are  not  mentioned  for  the  sake  of 
their  personal  names,  but  for  the  names  of  the 
houses  of  which  they  were  fathers  originating 
without  doubt  from  more  ancient  times"  (Keil). 
Since  in  vers,  30-35  the  inhabitants  of  the  other 
cities  are  mentioned  according  to  the  names  of 
their  localities,  so  probably  the  most  or  all 
which  bear  the  names  of  their  fathers'  houses 
are  to  be  regarded  as  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem. 

The  names  in  vers.  3-19  are  beyond  question 
names  of  families  or  households,  and  those  in 
vers.  20-29  and  33-35  are  just  as  surely  names 
of  cities.  This  order  seems,  however,  to  be  in- 
terrupted by  vers.  30-32,  in  that  perhaps  Harim, 
according  to  ch.  x.  21,  the  other  Elam,  after  the 
analogy  of  ver.  7,  and  perhaps  also  Magbish, 
are  names  of  persons,  not  of  places.  Yet  Ezra 
x.  21  is  not  entirely  decisive  for  Harim  as  the 
name  of  a  person,  since  in  Neh.  x.  15  sq.,  like- 
wise, names  of  places,  as  for  example  Auathoth, 
occur  in  ver.  19  in  the  middle  among  names  of 
families.  Besides  it  is  possible  that  the  text  in 
vers.  30-32  may  have  been  corrupted  ;  it  seems 
strange  that  with  the  other  Elam  here  the  same 
number,  1254,  occurs  as  with  the  Elam  of  ver. 
8,  and  that  the  name  Magbish  is  not  found  either 
in  Nehemiah  or  Esdras.  In  Esdras  the  other 
Elam  is  passed  over,  and  instead  of  the  children 
of  Harim  three  hundred  and  twenty,  there  is 
(ch.  v.  10)  in  the  corresponding  place,  that  is, 
among  the  names  of  families,  vioi  'A/id/i,  thirty- 
two.  The  cities  mentioned  in  vers.  20-35  occur 
for  the  most  part  in  other  parts  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament: Gibeon,  which,  according  to  Neh.  vii. 
25,  is  to  be  read  for  Gibbah,  already  in  Josh.  ix. 
3;  Bethlehem  in  Ruth  i.  2;  Mie.  v.  1;  Netopha 
(apparently  in  the  vicinity  of  Bethlehem)  in  2 
Sam.  xxiii.  38  sq. ;  2  Kings  xxv.  23;  1  Chron. 
ii.  54;  Anathoti  in  Josh.  xxi.  18;  Jer.  i.  1; 
Kirjath  arim,  Chephira  and  Beeroth  as  cities  of 
the  Gibeonites,  Josh.  ix.  17;  Kama  and  Geba 
already  in  Josh.  ix.  25  sq.,  and  then  especially 
in  the  history  of  Samuel  and  Saul;  Miohmas 
in  1  Sam.  xiii.  25;  Isa.  x.  28;  Bethel  and  Ai  in 
Josh.  vii.  2  and  Jericho  in  Josh.  v.  13,  etc.;  all 
situated  in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem,  and  first 
of  all  taken  possession  of  by  those  who  returned. 
On  the  other  hand  Azmaveth  or  Bethazmaveth. 
Neh.  vii.  28,  occurs  besides  only  in  Neh.  xii.  29. 
Accordingly  it  was  situated  apparently  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Geba.  It  has  not  yet  been  dis- 
covered. Kilter's  conjecture  (Erdk.  xvi.  S.  519) 
that  it  is  El-II  z-ne  in  the  vicinity  of  Anata  has 


nothing  in  its  favor.  Nebo,  which  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  mountain  of  this  name,  Num. 
xxxii.  32,  has  been  identified  with  Nob,  or  Nobe, 
1  Sam.  xxi.  2,  whose  situation  would  certainly 
suit,  especially  as  in  Neh.  xi.  31  sq.,  among 
many  other  places  named  here  Nob,  but  not 
Nebo,  is  mentioned.  Besides  the  sons  of  Ncbo 
occur  again  in  Ezra  x.  43.  Bertheau  thinks 
of  Nuba  or  Beit-Nuba  (Robinson,  New  Bibli- 
cal Researches,  III.  page  144).  Lod  is  Lydda, 
where  Peter  healed  the  paralytic  (Acts  ix.  32 
sq.),  at  present  Ludd,  comp.  1  Chron.  viii.  12. 
Ono,  which  occurs  again  in  Neh.  xi.  35  and  1 
Chron.  viii.  12,  must  have  been  situated  in  the 
vicinity  of  Lydda.  There  also  we  must  seek 
Hadid,  now  El  Haditheh  (Robinson,  B.  R.,  p. 
143),  according  to  1  Mace.  xii.  38;  xiii.  13. 
Senaah  was  rcga-ded  by  the  more  ancient  inter- 
preters as  "Ztwh  vvv  MaySa'Aoevvd,  which,  ac- 
cording to  Jerome,  was  situated  as  terminus 
Judst  in  septimo  lapide  Jerichus  contra  septentrtona- 
lem  plagam  (Onom.  ed.  Lars,  et  Parth.,  p.  332), 
and  which  is  hardly  to  be  identified,  as  Robin- 
son (B.  R.  III.  p.  295),  with  Mejdel,  which  is  too 
far  distant,  four  German  miles  north  of  Jericho, 
situated  on  a  lofty  mountain-top.  At  the  buil  1- 
ing  of  the  walls  of  the  city,  Neh.  iii.,  there  are 
mentioned  besides  the  men  of  Jericho,  Senaah 
and  Gibeon,  inhabitants  also  of  Tekoah,  Zanoah, 
Bethhaccerem,  Mizpah,  Bethsur  and  Keilah,  and 
a  still  greater  number  of  cities  occurs  in  Neh. 
xi.  25->l5.  From  this  it  is  clear  that  gradually 
the  cities  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  were  taken 
possession  of,  and  more  and  more  of  them  inha- 
bited. 

Vers.  36-39.  The  priest-classes.  Of  the  four 
names  mentioned  here  three  agree  with  the 
names  of  three  classes  of  priests,  which  were 
among  the  twenty-four  classes  introduced  by 
David,  1  Chron.  xxiv.  7  sq. ;  Jedaiah  was  the 
second,  Immer  the  sixteenth,  Harim  the  third 
class.  It  is  very  probable,  therefore,  that  the 
divisions  here  are  connected  with  such  classes. 
For  additional  remarks  upon  this  subject,  vid. 
notes  upon  Neh.  xii.  1  sq.  The  house  of  J.  sliua, 
however,  may  very  properly  refer  to  the  house 
of  the  high-priest  Jeshua,  to  which  the  children 
of  Jedaiah  belonged.  This  view  is  favored  by 
the  fact  that  amoug  those  who  returned,  in  all 
probability,  this  family  was  more  numerously 
represented  perhaps  by  a  class  of  priests  be- 
longing to  it.  It  is  true  the  high-priest  Jeshua 
belonged  to  the  line  of  Eleazar;  the  class  of 
Jedaiah,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  supposed,  we 
must  seek  as  the  second  in  the  line  of  Ithamar, 
and  yet  the  order  of  classes  was  determined  by 
lot,  1  Chron.  xxiv.,  and  it  is  a  very  natural  sup- 
position, since  there  is  some  uncertainty  in  the 
passage  as  to  the  method  of  the  lot,  that  th. 
second  class  was  of  Eleazar's  line.  BJse  Jeshua 
might  also  be  the  name  of  an  ancient  head  of 
the  family  ;  in  1  Chron.  xxiv.  11  it  is  the  name  of 
the  ninth  class  of  priests. — The  children  of 
Pashur  constitute  a  new  class,  which  does  not, 
occur  in  1  Chron.  xxiv.  as  a  class  of  priests,  and 
this  name  does  not  ocC'ir  among  the  nine  classes 
subsequent  to  the  exile,  Neh.  xii.  They  occur 
again,  however,  in  Ezra  x.  18-22  among  the 
priests  who  had  married  strange  wives,  along- 
side of  the  sons  of  Jeshua,   Immer  and   Harim. 


32 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


The  name  Tnshur  is  besides  found  even  in  more 
ancient  times,  1  Chron.  is.  12 ;  Nehem.  xi.  12 ; 
Jer.  xx.,  xxi. 

Vers.  40—58.  The  Levites,  servants  of  the 
temple  (Nethinim),  and  servants  of  Solomon: 
The  Levites  fall  into  three  divisions  according 
to  their  different  official  duties;  the  first  was 
the  Levites  in  the  narrower  sense,  the  assistants 
of  the  priests  in  the  divine  worship,  the  second 
was  the  singers,  the  third  the  porters,  1  Chron. 
xxiv.  20-31 ;  xxv.  and  xxvi.  1—19.  The  children 
of  Jeshua  and  Kadmiel  are  mentioned  in  ver. 
40  as  Levites  in  the  narrower  sense.  The  addi- 
tional clause:  of  the  children  of  Hodaviah, 
belongs  probably  only  to  the  last  family,  the 
children  of  Kadmiel,  comp.  notes  on  iii.  9;  the 
name  is  not  found  in  the  lists  of  Levites  in 
Chronicles. — Of  the  singers  (ver.  41)  only  the 
members  of  the  choir  of  Asaph  returned  with 
the  first  company.  Yet  in  Neb.,  xi.  17  three 
classes  are  mentioned  again  as  in  times  before 
the  exile. — Of  the  six  classes  of  porters  (ver.  42) 
three,  Shallum,  Talmon  and  Akkub,  are  men- 
tioned 1  Chron.  ix.  17  as  those  who  dwelt  in 
Jerusalem  already  before  the  exile.  Thirty-five 
families  of  the  Nethinim  are  mentioned  (vers. 
43-54),  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  ten  families 
(vers.  55-57).  In  Nehemiah  the  children  of 
Akkub,  Hagab  and  Asnah  have  fallen  out,  and 
some  names  are  written  differently,  partly 
through  oversight,  partly  on  account  of  another 
method  of  writing  tliem.  The  most  of  the  fami- 
lies of  the  Nethinim  may  have  descended  from 
the  Gibeonites,  Josh.  ix.  21-27.  The  children 
of  Mehuninn,  however,  in  ver.  50,  belonged,  as 
the  plural  form  of  the  name  shows,  to  the  tribe 
or  people  of  the  Mchunim,  and  were  probably 
prisoners  of  war, — perhaps  alter  the  victory 
of  the  king  Uzziah  over  that  people  (2  Chron 
xxvi.  7)  they  had  been  given  to  the  sanctuary  ai 
bondsmen.  The  children  of  Nephusim  might 
have  been  prisoners  of  war  fro-u  the  Ishmaelite 
tribe  of  t^'iJJ,  Gen.  xxv.  15.  The  children  of 
the  servants  of  Solomon,  who  are  mentioned 
again  in  Neh.  xi.  3,  elsewhere  connected  witli 
the  Nethinim,  with  whom  they  are  here  arranged 
in  the  enumeration,  were  certainly  not  the  de- 
scendants of  those  Amorites,  Hethites,  etc., 
whom  Solomon,  1  Kings  ix.  20  sq. ;  2  Chron. 
viii.  7  sq.,  had  made  tributary  and  bondsmen 
[Rawlinson],  but  apparently  prisoners  of  war 
from  tribes  that  were  not  Canaanites.  The 
name  Dpi'n  FTOb  in  ver.  57  probably  denotes: 

catcher  of  gazelles. 

Vers.  59,  60.  Fellow-countrymen,  who  could 
not  show  their  ancestry.  They  went  up  from 
Tel  Mclah  (salt-hill),  Tel  Harsa  (bush  or 
wood-hill),  Cherub,  Addan  aud  Immer.  The 
last  three  words  are  probably  not  names  of  per- 
sons, they  are  first  mentioned  in  ver.  00,  but 
still  as  names  of  places.  Like  Tel  Harsa,  they 
might  likewise  be  connected  without  [D.  Per- 
haps they  may  designate  one  district,  that  is, 
three  places  situated  close  to  one  another  in  the 
same  district.  We  have  then  perhaps  three  dis- 
tricts for  the  three  families  named  in  ver.  60. — 
[Rawlinson  regards  these  as  villages  of  Baby- 
lonia, at  which  the  Jews  here  spoken  of  had 
been  settled.     The  first  and  third  he  regards  as 


really  identified  with  the  Thelm6  aud  Chiripha 
of  Ptolemy.  —  Tn.] — They  could  not  shew 
their  fathers'  house,  that  is,  could  not  prove 
to  which  of  the  fathers'  houses  of  Israel  their 
forefathers,  after  whom  they  were  called.  Dela- 
iah,  Tobiah  and  Nekoda,  belonged. — And  their 
seed,  that  is,  their  family  line,  whether  they 
were  of  Israelite  origin  or  not.  Clericus  pro- 
perly remarks  :  Judaicam  religionem  dudum  sique- 
banlur,  quamobrem  se  Judxos  censebant:  quamvis 
non  posserit  genealogicus  tabulas  ostendere,  ex  quibus 
constant,  ex  Hebrmis  oriundos  esse.  It  is  possible 
that  there  was  a  doubt  whether  the  children  of 
Nekoda  here  mentioned  did  not  belong  to  the 
Nethinim  family  of  the  same  name  in  ver.  48, 
and  with  respect  to  the  other  two  families,  there 
were  similar  doubts  (Bertheau).  Since  we  do 
not  find  any  of  these  names  again  in  the  enume- 
ration of  the  heads  of  the  people  and  fathers' 
houses  in  Neh.  x.  15—28,  or  in  the  list  of  Ezra 
x.  25-43,  it  seems  that  although  they  were  not 
expelled,  yet  the  right  of  citizenship  was  with- 
held from  them. 

Vers.  61-63.  Priests  who  could  not  show  that 
they  belonged  to  the  priesthood,  the  children 
of  Habaiah,  Hakkoz  and  Barzillai.  Whether 
these  children  of  Hakkoz  claimed  to  belong  to 
the  seventh  class  of  priests  of  the  same  name,  1 
Chron.  xxiv.  10,  is  uncertain.  The  name  occurs 
also  elsewhere,  comp.  Neh.  iii.  4. — The  children 
of  Barzillai  were  descended  from  a  priest  who 
properly  bore  another  name,  but  who  married  a 
daughter  of  the  Gileadite  Barzillai,  well-known 
in  the  history  of  David  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27;  xix. 
32-39;  1  Kings  ii.  7).  It  is  conjectured  that 
she  was  an  heiress  (Num.  xxxvi.),  and  to  ob- 
tain possession  of  her  inheritance,  he  assumed 
her  name.  Comp.  Num.  xxvii.  4.  The  name 
Barzillai  and  membership  in  a  family  of  Gilead 
might  have  subsequently  rendered  the  priestly 
origin  of  his  posterity  doubtful,  although  they 
would  by  no  means  have  lost  the  right  of  the 
priesthood,  if  they  could  have  proved  in  any 
way  their  priestly  origin.  The  suffix  with  DOtJ' 
must  be  referred  back  to  fi'l33.     For    the  masc. 

T 

form  for  the  fem.,  comp.  Gesen.,  $  121,  Anmerk. 
1.  Their  register  in  ver.  62  is  their  KTIjl  "^p, 
Neh.  vii.  5,  their  writing  of  genealogy,  their 
register  of  their  descent;  this  writ. rig  had  the 
title  of  D"J£TTrran,  those  registered  as  to  gene- 
alogy ;  for  this  word  is  in  apposition  with  D3H3, 

and  'NSDJ  refers  back  to  this  plural,  for  which 

t  :  • 
in  Neh.  vii.  64  the  sing.,   SOfDJ,   referring  back 

to  D3H3,  is  found,  as  we  say  in  Ger-nany,  not 
to  be  able  to  find  their  forefathers,  instead  of 
the  register  of  their  forefathers. — They  were 
as  polluted   put   from   the   priesthood. — 

ONri  is  a  pregnant  term=they  were  declared 
polluted,  so  that  they  were  excluded  from  the 
priesthood.  The  more  definite  decision  respect- 
ing them  was  given  according  to  ver.  63  by  the 
Tirshalha  the  civil  governor  of  the  community, 
according  to  Neh.  vii.  65,  comp.  with  ver.  70, 
Zerubbahel,  who,  Hag.  i.  1,  14;  ii.  2,  21,  is 
called  HUH;  nrj3.  In  Neh.  viii.  9  and  x.  2 
Nehemiah  bears  this  title,  who  besides  in  Neh. 


CHAP.   II.   1-70. 


33 


xii.   26    likewise    has  the  title   Dr\3,  Tirsbatha 

T  V 

ie  without  doubt  the  Persian  designation  of  t lie 
governor.  It  is  probably  not  connected  with 
tartu,  fear  =  the  one  feared  [Rawlinson,  who 
regards  it  as  the  Persian  tarsatu,  past  part,  of 
tars=to  fear=the  feared,  a  title  which  well 
might  be  given  to  one  in  authority.  He  com- 
pares the  German  gestremjer  Iierr  and  our  title 
of  "Reverend." — Tit.],  or  with  tnrash,  acer, 
a!<s(er=the  severe  lord,  but  is  from  the  Zend 
thuorestar  (nom.  thuoresta)=prxfi  rtus,  penes  quern 
es!  imperium,  Gesen.,  Thes.,  p.  1521 ;  Benfey,  die 
Monatmamen,  S.  196.  The  reason  why  the  name 
of  Zerubhahel  is  not  added,  and  why  he  is  not 
mentioned  in  Neh.  vii.  65-70  in  connection  with 
this  title,  is  that  there  is  no  importance  to  be 
ascribed  here  to  the  person,  but  only  to  the 
position  expressed  by  the  title.  It  is  not  strange 
that  the  civil  governor  made  this  decision  with 
reference  to  the  priesthood,  because  of  the  close 
connection  between  the  civil  and  religious  af- 
fairs of  the  community  at  Jerusalem.  Their 
prohibition  from  eating  of  the  most  holy  things, 
that  is,  of  those  that  were  consecrated  to  the 
Lord,  of  which  none  but  the  priests  could  par- 
take, and  thes©  only  of  certain  prescribed  parts 
in  the  holy  place  (comp.  Lev.  ii.  3),  excluded 
th era  from  participation  in  those  revenues  that 
were  immediately  connected  with  priestly  occu- 
pations, and  therefore  without  doubt  likewise 
from  the  priestly  occupations  themselves.  The 
children  of  Habaiah,  etc.,  were  not  to  come  near 
the  most  holy  things,  e.  g.  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offerings  (Ex.xxix.  37;  xxx.  10),  and  especially 
were  not  to  enter  the  most  holy  places  (Num. 
xviii.  10).  A  portion  of  the  general  fees  which 
were  offered  to  the  priests  was  not  denied  them, 
since  their  right  to  the  priesthood  was  not  ex- 
pressly denied,  but  left  in  suspense: — Till  there 
stood  up  a  priest  with  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim.  — "I3>*  is  according  to  later  usage  for 
D*p  (comp/  Dan.  viii.  23;  xi.  2,  etc.).  The 
question  arises  why  the  high-priest  Jeghua 
could  not  have  given  the  desired  decisiou  by 
means  of  Urim  and  Thummim,  for  the  use  of 
which  we  are  to  compare  Ex.  xxviii.  30.  The 
reason  could  hardly  have  been  of  such  a  perso- 
nal and  external  character  as  Ewald,  Gesch. 
Isr.  IV.  95  conjectures,  as  if  Jeshua  was  perhaps 
not  the  eldest  son  of  his  father,  and  therefore 
not  entirely  suited  to  the  high-priesthood. 
It  is  probable  that  in  the  times  subsequent 
to  the  exile  there  was  no  longer  as  formerly 
any  more  decisions  by  means  of  Urim  and 
Thummim.  Little  importance  is  to  be  given 
to  the  opinion  of  Josephus  Arch.  III.  8,  9,  that  its 
use  had  not  ceased  till  two  hundred  years  before 
his  time,  since  he  acts  upon  the  opinion  that  it 
had  been  used  for  the  purpose  of  predicting  vic- 
tory. The  Rabbins  reckon  this  method  of  divine 
revelation  among  the  five  things  which  from 
the  beginning  were  lacking  in  the  second  temple. 
Comp.  Buxtorf,  exercit*.  ad  historiam  Urim  e1 
Thummim,  cap.  V.,  and  Vitringa  observalt.,  s. 
VI.,  cap.  VI  ,  p.  324  sq.  We  are  rather  to  sup- 
pose that  they  believed  that  they  must  wait  until 
such  a  time  when  the  high-priest  would  again  be 
ahle  to  fulfil  his  entire  calling.  The  temple  must 
first  arise  again,  and  the  Lord  must  declare  His 


presence  again  in  some  special  practical  and  un- 
mistakable manner,  without  which  indeed  a  re- 
velation through  Urim  and  Thummim  was  in- 
conceivable. 

Vers.  64-67.  The  sum-total  of  those  that 
returned,  their  servants  and  maid-  ervanls 
and  beasts  of  burden.  The  sum  of  42,360  is 
given  in  our  passage  in  Nohemiah  and  Esdraa, 
for  the  whole  cougr  gatiou  togoihor  (so  mani- 
festly here  "inX.3,  (it  is  otherwise  in  chap.  iii. 
9  ;  vi.  20)  ;  a  number  which  is  not  gained  by 
aiding  the  detailed  numbers  together,  either 
here  or  in  Neh.  or  Esdras,  for  the  sum  total  is 
much  too  great  for  the  detailed  numbers,  which 
amount  to  only  29,818  here,  in  Nchemiah  31,089, 
in  Esdras  30,143.  How  then  did  this  difference 
arise  ?  Even  Keil  is  convinced  that  it  is  due 
only  to  mistakes  of  copyists.  "  Any  attempt  to 
explain  them  (the  differences)  in  any  other  way 
cannot  be  justified."  But  if  this  were  really  so, 
there  would  be  greater  differences  between  the 
detailed  numbers  as  they  are  given  here  ami  in 
Nehemiah  ;  and  reckoned  together  they  would, 
in  accordance  with  one  or  the  other  texts,  ap- 
proximately make  out  the  sum  total  of  42,360.  If 
such  essential  mistakes  as  these  occurred  in  co- 
pying, then  the  fact  that  the  result  of  reckoning 
together  the  numbers  agrees,  at  least  in  the 
main,  and  that  each  text  is  about  the  same  num- 
ber behind  the  sum  total  of  42,360,  could  not  be 
possible  unless  the  mistakes  were  above  nil  in 
this  sum  total,  which  however  is  inconceivable 
in  connection  with  the  exact  agreement  which 
everywhere  prevails.  It  is  certainly  clear  that 
the  sum  total  was  not  meant  to  embrace  any 
others,  such  as  those  who  returned  of  the  ten 
tribes  (Seder  Olam,  Raschi,  Usserius,  J.  H. 
Mich.,  el  al.)  but  only  the  constituent  parts  con- 
tained in  the  previous  verses.  But  perhaps  it 
was  understood  of  itself  according  to  the  funda- 
mental notions  and  ideas  of  the  time  that  there 
were  others  still  belonging  to  the  2172  sons  of 
Parosh,  etc.,  who  properly  were  not  reckoned 
with  them,  but  who  yet  united  with  them  in  con- 
stituting the  "entire  congregation,"  ;npn~7.D, 
and  were  given  with  them  in  Bumming  it  up.  It 
depends  upon  the  idea  of  7npri~7.3.  Possibly 
if  the  number  of  the  children  of  Parosh,  etc., 
were  to  be  given,  only  the  independent  people, 
especially  the  heads  of  families,  came  into  con- 
sideration ;  whilst  in  the  "entire  congregation  " 
there  were,  counted  perhaps  likewise  the  larger 
sons,  who  had  reached  the  age  of  discretion,  Neh. 
viii.  2,  3.  If  in  Esdras  v.  41  our  ver.  64  reads 
"  all  of  Israel  from  twelve  years  old  and  up- 
wards, besides  the  servants  and  maid-servants, 
were  42,360,"  this  addition,  "from  twelve  years 
and  upward,"  is  indeed  critically  worthless,  yet 
it  might  rest  upon  a  correct  knowledge  of  ancient 
customs,  although  perhaps  the  age  of  twelve  years 
corresponds  only  with  latter  circumstances.  If 
the  servants  and  maid-servants  were  reckoned  to 

the  7np71~73,  whose  number  is  given  in  ver.  65, 
they  might  have  been  counted  in  the  sum  total, 
although  they  were  not  taken  into  consideration 
in  the  detailed  numbers. 

Ver.    65.     Besides    their    servants     and 


34 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


maids. — H7S,  which  is  properly  connected  with 
the  subsequent  words  by  the  accents,  is  explained 
as  referring  to  the  following  sum,  7337  =  be- 
sides their  servants,  etc.,  who  make  out  the  fol- 
lowing numbers.  The  additional  clause  :  And 
they  had  two  hundred  singing  men  and 
■women,  can  only  mean  :   and  they  who  returned 

— for  the  suffix  DH7,  certainly  refers  to  those  to 

V  T  * 

whom  the  suffix  of  DTY13J.2,  etc.,  also  refers, — 
had  singing  men  and  women,  who  because 
they  were  hired  and  paid,  stood  upon  the  same 
footing  as  the  servants  and  maids,  and  since  they 
were  probably  not  of  Israelite  origin,  did  not  be- 
long to  the  congregation.  They  served,  how- 
ever, doubtless  to  increase  the  joy  of  the  feasts, 
and  for  singing  dirges  in  connection  with  sor- 
rowful events,  comp.  Eccl.  ii.  8  ;  2  Chron.  xxxv. 
25.  At  any  rate  these  singing  people  are  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  Levitical  singers  and  mu- 
sicians who  took  part  in  divine  worship.  J.  D. 
Mich,  would  change  these  singing  men  and  wo- 
men into  oxen  and  cows  (as  if  D,-1"1V£'D  were 
for  D'TltV)  since  we  would  rather  expect  these 
here,  after  the  domestics,  and  in  connection  with 
the  horses,  mules,  camels,  and  asses.  But  it  may 
be  that  the  returning  exiles  only  took  with  them 
beasts  of  burden,  or  at  least  chiefly  of  these,  and 
obtained  their  cattle  rather  on  their  arrival  in 
Canaan.     If  animals    were   intended    here,    we 

would  not  have  DH 7,  but  the  suffix  as  in  the  fol- 

V  T 

lowing  verse. 

Vers.  68—70.  Contributions  for  the  building 
of  the  temple  and  closing  remarks. — Ver.  68. 
And  of  the  heads  of  the  people  =  some 
of  them.  Comp.  Di'n- ]"31  in  ver.  70.  Neh.  uses 
instead  fti'DIpl,  a  part,  as  Dan.  i.  2,  etc.,  13"Unn 
they  freely  offered  gifts,  and  indeed  for  the  house 
of  God.  Comp.  notes  upon  chap.  i.  6.  lTO^Tn, 
=  in  order  to  erect  it,  rebuild  it=ia,'pri7,   comp. 

ver.  63. 

Ver.  69.  They  gave  to  the  treasure  of 
the  work,  that  is,  into  the  treasure  that  was 
collected  for  the  work  of  t lie  temple  61,000  da- 
rics  of  gold,  ( |i03Tl  here  and  Neh.  vii.  70  sq., 
for  which  JY3TTSJ,  with  N,  prosthetic.  1  Chron. 
xxix.  7,  and  Ezra  viii.  27,  the  Greek  Saptiudc,  a 
Persian  gold  coin  worth  twenty-two  German 
marks,  [shillings,  English]  or  seven  aud  a  half 
German  thalers  [five  and  a  half  American  dol- 
lars], comp.  I  Chron.  xxix.  7)  =  457,500  Ger- 
man thalers,  and  5.000  pounds  of  silver  (above 
200,000  German  thalers)  and  100  priests'  gar- 
ments. It  seems  that  our  author  lias  here  abbre- 
viated the  list  that  was  before  him,  and  given  the 
figures  in  round  numbers.  We  recognize  here, 
as  Bertheau  properly  points  out,  expressions 
peculiar  to  the  author:  "house  of  Jehovah, 
which  is  in  Jerusalem,"  comp.  chapter  i.  4; 
iii.  8;  3,"ljnn,  comp.  chapter  i.  6;   iii.  5:    1  Phr 

xxix.  5,  6 ;  TipJ^rn,  comp.  1  Chron.  xvi.  16  ; 
2  Chron.  ix.  8;   Ezra ix.  9  :  Dribs,  r-nmn.  1   Chr. 

T 

xxix.  2;  "  they  gave  into  the  treasure.''  comp. 
1  Chron.   xxix.   8,  etc.      In  Nehemiah  the  text 


of  the  document  has  been  mure  faithfully  re- 
tained.—In  accordance  with  this  some  of  the 
heads  of  fathers'  houses  contributed  to  the  work, 
viz.,  the  Tirshatha  (who  comes  into  considera- 
tion as  the  first  of  these  heads,  and  is  mentioned 
by  himself,  with  his  contribution,  which  was 
probably  especially  larg;j)  gave  to  the  treasure 
1000  darics  of  gold,  50  sacrific'al  bowls,  and  30 
priests'  garments,  and  500.  probably  pounds,  of 
silver).  It  cannot  mean  530pries's'  garment.", 
for  then  the  hundreds  should  stand  first.  Per- 
haps the  things  numbered  have  fallen  away  be- 
fore the  500,  in  all,  probably,  D'J"2  HDDl.  Some 
(viz.,  others  besides  the  Tirshatha)  heads  of  fa- 
thers' houses  gave  20,000  darics  of  gold,  2200 
pounds  of  silver,  and  the  rest  of  the  people  gave 
-0,000  darics  of  silver,  2000  pounds  of  Bilver,  and 
67  priests'  garments.  Accordingly  the  mini  total 
amounted  to  41,000  darics  of  gold,  4700  pounds 
of  silver,  97  priests'  garments,  and  50  sacrificial 
bowls.  An  important  difference  between  these 
statements  and  our  text  of  the  book  of  Ezra  is 
found  in  41,000  darics,  for  which  Ezra  has  61,000. 
Since  this  cannot  be  balanced  by  the  50  sacrifi- 
cial bowls,  which  are  passed  over  in  our  text,  the 
61,000  must  be  ascribed  to  a  copyist's  error. 

Ver.  70.  Here,  in  the  closing  remarks,  the 
hand  of  our  author  may  be  recognized.  The  ori- 
ginal text  read  somewhat  thus:  And  the 
priests  and  Levites  and  some  of  the  peo- 
ple and  entire  Israel  dwelt  in  their  cities. 
— But  the  author  would  in  his  own  way  specify 
the  persons  who  took  part  in  the  divine  worship, 
and  adds  therefore  after  those  of  the  people,  the 
singers  and  door-keepers  and  temple  ser- 
vants, and  in  connection  therewith  perhaps  also 
that  which  directly  followed  the  former,  in  their 
cities,  which  is  missing  in  Nehemiah.  In  Ne- 
hemiah this  statement  is  improved  in  this  way, 
that  he  lets  the  Levitical  singers  and  porters  fol- 
low immediately  after  the  Levites,  and  indeed 
the  porters  first,  notwithstanding  their  office  was 
less  honorable  than  that  of  the  singers,  because 
he  is  not  concerned  with  the  dignity  of  their  of- 
fice, but  with  their  membership  among  the  Le- 
vites. It  is  true  he  had  the  disadvantage  of 
being  obliged  to  separate  theNethinim,  whom  he 
could  not  very  well  place  "  before  those  of  the 
people,"  by  D>  PI  |D1  from  the  porters  and  sing- 
ers. Dl/'n  1*3?  at  any  rate  does  not  mean  "some," 
"many  of  the  people;"  the  meaning  cannot  be 
that  at  first  only  some  of  them  took  possession  of 
their  cities,  against  which  is  the  concluding  state- 
ment "  and  all  Israel  were  in  their  cities,"*  but 
the  others  of  the  people,  besides  the  priests  and 
Levites.  Respecting  the  in  their  cities,  comp. 
remarks  on  ver.  1.  Our  author  in  a  similar  man- 
ner, as  in  the  closing  verse  of  the  first  chapter, 
passes  over  many  things  that  would  have  seemed 
worthy  of  mention  under  other  circumstances,  as 
in  what  condition  they  found  the  cities,  where 
they  settled,  whether  they  contended  with  the 
inhabitants  of  the  laud  for  them,  how  they  ac- 
complished their  organization  and  the  like.  The 
reason  is  the  same  as  that  adduced  in  our  notes 
upon  chap.  i.  II, 

*  [■' All  Israel"  is  interpreted  l>y  Rawlinson  as  refer- 
ring to  representatives  of  the  tt-n  tribes. — Ta.J 


CHAP.  II.  1-70. 


35 


THOUunTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OF  REDEMPTION. 

Ver.  2.  Siuce  the  people  formed  the  new  con- 
gregation no  longer  as  a  nation,  or  according  to 
tlie'r  external  membership  in  the  nation, —  siuce 
ail  depended  upon  the  tree  choice  of  particular 
families, —  there  is  no  longer  any  mention  of 
the  ancient  distinction  of  tribes  which  w  is  based 
on  merely  natural  laws.  But  the  congregation, 
not  withstanding,  again  has  its  heads,  and  indeed 
again  exactly  twelve,  as  the  people  in  the  times 
before  the  exile  had  had  twelve  elders  of  tribes. 
Doubtless  they  needed  them  still  just  as  much, 
if  not  even  still  more,  since  indeed  the  Persian 
king  and  his  officers  did  not  occupy  themselves 
so  immediately,  and  in  so  many  ways,  in  their 
affaire  as  the  previous  royal  government  had 
done.  The  restoration  of  the  temple  and  in 
worship  was  imposed  directly  and  pre-eminently 
upon  them,  and  they  certainly  had  pre-eminently 
to  take  care  that  the  law  of  God  should  prevail 
as  thoroughly  as  possible  in  the  life  of  the  con- 
gregation. Hence  there  is  sufficient  reason  that 
they  should  be  placed  foremost  here  just  as  the 
twelve  elders  of  tribes  had  been  in  the  time  of 
Moses,  Num.  i.  15,  16.  There  must  always  be 
office-holders,  ranks,  and  acorresponding  subor- 
dination in  the  congregation  of  God,  as  surely  as 
it  ever  needs  guidance  and  training.  And  if  the 
officials  are  no  longer  given  by  natural  rank,  or 
appointed  by  the  state,  if  the  relation  to  them  is 
thus  a  more  tender  one,  then  they  ought  to  meet 
them  as  those  who  have  been  freely  chosen  to 
positions  of  trust,  with  all  the  more  respect,  yea, 
reverence. 

Vers.  36-30.  T'ie  priests  were  disproportion- 
ately numerous  in  the  new  congregation.  They 
made  up  about  the  seventh  part  of  the  whole. 
If  in  consequence  of  this  they  were  obliged  to  be 
all  the  more  discreet  to  maintain  themselves, 
since  the  offerings  falling  to  them  hardly  sufficed 
for  their  support, — if  therefore  it  could  not.  be 
permitted  them  to  acquire  land  for  themselves, 
work  them,  or  to  learn  trades  and  practice  them, 
then  it  was  without  doubt  th<?  very  reverse  of 
what  they  ought  to  have  done,  when  they,  in 
consequence  of  this,  became  conformed  to  the 
world  and  helped  to  favor  the  mingling  with 
heathenism,  as  we  observe  to  be  the  case  even  in 
the  high  priestly  family  itself.  Comp.  chap.  x. 
18.  They  ought,  owing  to  their  great  numbers, 
to  have  offered  to  the  congregation  all  the  greater 
support  against  the  worship  of  idols  and  apostasy 
from  the  law,  and  at  any  rate  tiny  should  have 
b;en  a  living,  practical  reminder  of  their  most 
appropriate  and  highest  tasks.  They  should 
have  more  and  more  impressed  upon  the  entire 
congregation  a  priestly,  spiritual  character.  The 
universal  priesthood,  which  the  worldly  t'hris- 
tians  claim,  in  a  false  sense,  should  he  imparted 
more  and  more  decidedly  to  the  true  congrega- 
tion in  the  true  sense. 

Vers.  64-67.  The  new  congregation  must  have 
appeared  to  themselves  extraordinarily  small 
and  weak,  when  they  compared  themselves  with 
the  first  beginnings  in  the  time  of  Moses,  when 
the  men  of  war  were  about  600,000.  (Comp. 
Numb.  i.  46  and  xxvi.  51.)  It  was  all  the  more 
incumbent  upon  them  to  maintain  themselves  as 


fir  as  possible  in  unity  wiih  those  who  remained 
b.  hind  in  exile,  and  cultivate  the  bund  of  com- 
munion with  them,  accordingly  widen  their 
views,  and  keep  themselves  from  imrrow-heart- 
eduess, — or,  if  their  relation  'o  lliein  proved  again 
to  be  only  a  loose  one,  to  consider  themselves  as 
a  mere  remnant,  that  had  been  preserved  from  I  lie 
divine  judgment  by  grace,  accordingly  to  let 
themselves  be  reminded  by  their  weakness  of  the 
divine  holiness  as  well  as  compassion.  The 
weaker  they  were  in  themselves,  the  moro  were 
they  prompted,  at  all  events,  to  seek  their 
strength  in  the  Lord,  and  expect  their  help  from 
Him.  Moreover  we  may  conclude  from  their 
small  numbers  that  it  is  not  the  great  multitude 
to  which  the  development  of  the  church  leads; 
rather  those  by  whom  God's  thoughts  of  re- 
demption are  to  realize  themselves  chiefly  and 
most  immediately,  constitute  naturally  only  a 
small  minority.  Besides,  we  may  conclude  from 
vers.  65-67  that  among  those  who  returned  there 
were  likewise  men  who  were  quite  wealthy,  that 
therefore  the  idea  is  not  at  all  correct  that  only 
those  had  sought  out  Jerusalem  again  who  had 
nothing  to  lose  in  Chaldea  (Talm.  hub.  tract. 
Kiddusehim).  Without  doubt  God  was  able  al- 
ready in  the  Old  Testament  times  to  awaken  a 
living  zeal  for  His  cause,  not  only  among  tho 
poorer,  but  also,  at  the  least,  of  making  here  and 
there  also  the  rich,  with  their  possessions,  ser. 
viceable  to  His  cause. 

Vers.  68-69.  By  offering  gold  and  the  other 
gifts  which  had  reference  to  the  restoration  of 
worship,  the  new  congregation  showed  their  ear- 
nest desire  to  really  become  what  was  incumbent 
upon  them  to  be.  Christianity  should  never  fall 
behind  them;  but  although  its  task  is  mainly 
the  internal  and  spiritual  offerings,  they  should 
be  ready  to  prove  the  truth  of  their  spiritual- 
ity, where  it  is  necessary,  by  external  offerings 
likewise. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1,2.  Take  care  that  thou  and  thy  house 
above  all  belong  to  those  who  constitute  the  con- 
gregation of  the  Lord.  Only  they  are  named  and 
numbered  in  the  book  of  life. 

Vers.  68,  69.  Let  not  thy  house,  but  God's 
house,  be  thy  chief  care.  With  reference  to  the 
Btatemmts  respecting  the  riches  of  the  returned 
exiles  in  ver.  65  sq.  Brentius  appropriately  re- 
marks: Ejccii  erunt  Judsai  f  Sieruaalem  propter 
scelcra  sua.  NihiLominu*  fovit  eos  inter  gentes  it  lo- 
cupletavet  eos.  UndeJertmUe  vigesimo  nono  dicitur: 
Ego  scio  eogitationes.  quas  cogiio  super  vos,  cogita- 
tiones  pacts  et  non  ajjlictionis,  ut  dan  vobts  finem. 
With  the  same  appropriateness  Starke:  "The 
Lord  killeth  and  maketh  alive,  leadeth  into 
Sheol  and  again  out  of  it,  1  Sam.  ii  6.  Let  no 
one,  therefore,  utterly  lose  courage  in  enduring 
crosses,  suffering,  poverty  and  misery,  per- 
secution and  imprisonment.  God  extends  His 
church  amidst  crosses  and  persecutions  all  the 
more,  and  causes  it  to  bloom  as  a  palm-tree, 
Psalm  xcii.  13;  Malth.  xvi.  18;  Acts  xi.  19-21." 
Upon  ver.  68:  "Whatever  we  give  to  the  glory 
of  God,  we  should  give  willingly,  for  God  loveth 
a  cheerful  giver."  Upon  ver.  70:  "  My  God,  if 
Tbou  wilt  redeem  me  some  day  out  of  this  body 


36 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


in  the  world,  then  remove  me  likewise  to  the 
eternal  and  true  fatherland  and  Canaan,  the  right 
to  which  our  first  parents  lost  by  their  disobe- 
dience for  themselves  and  all  men,  but  which 
Christ  has  regained  for  us."  [Scott:  Our  gra- 
cious Lord  will  carry  us  through  those  under 
takings  which  are  entered  on  according  to  His 
will  with  an  aim  to  His  glory,  and  in  dependence 


on  His  assistance;  and  then  we  shall  be  made 
superior  to  all  difficulties,  hardships  and  dan- 
gers.— Henry:  "fia  an  honor  to  belong  to  God's 
house,  though  in  the  meanest  office  there. — Let 
none  complain  of  the  necessary  expenses  of  their 
religion,  but  believe  that  when  they  come  to  ba- 
lance the  account,  they  will  find  it  quit  cost. 
-Ta.] 


SECOND   SECTION. 

The  First  Effort. 
Chaps.  III.  IV. 

A.— THE  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ALTAR  AND  TnE  PREPARATION  FOR  BUILD- 
ING THE  TEMPLE. 

Chap.  III.    1-13. 

I.    Building  of  the  Altar,  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  and  anxiety  for  the  Building  of  the  Temple.     Vers.  1-7. 

1  And  when  the  seventh  month  was  come,  and  the  children  of  Israel  were  in  the 

2  cities,  the  people  gathered  themselves  together  as  one  man  to  Jerusalem.  Then 
stood  up  Jeshua  the  son  of  Jozadak,  and  his  brethren  the  priests,  and  Zerubbabel 
the  son  of  Shealtiel,  and  his  brethren,  and  builded  the  altar  of  the  God  of  Israel, 
to  offer  burnt  offerings  thereon,  as  it  is  written  in  the  law  of  Moses  the  man  of  God. 

3  And  they  set  the  altar  upon  his  bases;  for  fear  was  upon  them  because  of  the  peo- 
ple of  those  countries :  and  they  offered  burnt  offerings  thereon  unto  the  Lord,  even 

4  burnt  offerings  morniug  and  evening.  They  kept  also  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  as 
it  is  written,  and  offered  the  daily  burnt  offerings  by  number,  according  to  the  cus- 

5  torn,  as  the  duty  of  every  day  required ;  And  afterward  offered  the  continual  burnt 
offering,  both  of  the  new  moons,  and  of  all  the  set  feasts  of  the  Lord  that  were  con- 
secrated, and  of  every  one  that  willingly  offered  a  freewill  offering  unto  the  Lord. 

6  From  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month  began  they  to  offer  burnt  offerings  unto  the 

7  Lord.  But  the  foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord  was  not  yet  laid.  They  gave 
money  also  unto  the  masons,  and  to  the  carpenters;  and  meat,  and  diink,  and  oil, 
unto  them  of  Zidon,  and  to  them  of  Tyre,  to  bring  cedar  trees  from  Lebanon  to  the 
sea  of  Joppa,  according  to  the  grant  that  they  had  of  Cyrus  king  of  Persia. 

II.   Laying  of  the  Corner-stone  of  the  New  Temple.     Vers.  8-13. 

8  Now  in  the  second  year  of  their  coming  unto  the  house  of  God  at  Jerusalem,  in 
the  second  mouth,  began  Zerubbabel  the  son  of  Shealtiel,  and  Jeshua  the  son  of 
Jozadak,  and  the  remnant  of  their  brethren  the  priests  and  the  Levites,  and  all  they 
that  were  come  out  of  the  captivity  unto  Jerusalem  ;  and  appointed  the  Levites, 
from  twenty  years  old   and   upward,  to  set  forward   the  work  of  the  house  of  the 

9  Lord.  Then  stood  Jeshua  with  his  sons  and  his  brethren,  Kadmiel  and  his  sons, 
the  sons  of  Judah,  together,  to  set  forward  the  workmen  in  the  house  of  God  :  the 

10  sons  of  Henadad,  with  their  sons  and  their  brethren  the  Levites.  And  when  the 
builders  laid  the  foundation  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  they  set  the  priests  in  their 
apparel  with   trumpets,  and  the  Levites  the  sons  of  Asaph  with  cymbals,  to  praise 

11  the  Lord,  after  the  ordinance  of  David  king  of  Israel.  And  the;  sang  together  by 
course  in  praising  and  giving  thanks  unto  the  Lord  ;  because  he  is  good,  for  his 
mercy  endureth  for  ever  toward  Israel.  And  all  the  people  shouted  with  a  great 
shout,  when  they  praised  the  Lord,  because  the  foundation  of  the  house  of  the 


CHAP.  III.  1-13. 


.",7 


]  2  Lord  was  laid.  But  many  of  the  priests  and  Lsvites  and  chief  of  the  fathers,  who 
were  ancient  men,  that  had  seen  the  first  house,  when  the  foundation  of  this  house 
was  laid  before  their  eyes,  wept  with  a  loud  voice;  and  many  shouted  aloud  for  joy  : 

13  So  that  the  people  could  not  discern  the  noise  of  the  shout  of  joy  from  the  noise  of 
the  weeping  of  the  people :  for  the  pcojile  shouted  with  a  loud  shout,  and  the  none 
was  heard  afar  off 


EXEGETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

The  history  itself  now  follows  tlie  historical 
foundations.  Tlie  most  prominent  and  interest- 
ing feature  of  the  narrative  is  the  readiness  and 
zeal  of  the  new  congregation,  with  reference  to 
the  temple  and  its  worship,  the  re-establishment 
of  which  was  their  proper  work,  and  indeed  first 
of  all  in  vers.  1—3  in  the  building  of  the  altar. 

Ver.  1.  And  -when  the  seventh  month 
■was  come. — The  author  calls  attention  to  the 
zeal  of  all,  without  exception  ;  especially  also 
of  those  dwelling  outside  of  Jerusalem.  He 
means,  of  course,  the  seventh  month  of  the  same 
year  in  which  the  returning  exiles  arrived  in  Je- 
rusalem, else  he  would  have  been  obliged  to  de- 
fine it  more  closely.  Besides,  it  is  clear  from 
ver.  8,  that  the  following  year  was  the  second 
after  their  arrival.  The  seventh  month  was  pro- 
perly the  festival  month,  and  accordingly  the 
time  in  which  it  must  be  shown  how  zealous  the 
new  congregation  was  with  reference  to  the  ser- 
vice of  God.  The  new  year's  day,  the  atonement 
day  and  feast  of  tabernacles  fell  on  this  month. — 
And  the  children  of  Israel  were  in  the  ci- 
ties.— This  clause  is  meant  to  indicate  that  they 
had  already  attained  a  certain  degree  of  rest,  but 
at  the  same  time  they  had  obtained  a  possession 
and  a  labor  therein,  which  might  have  readily 
detained  them  ;  at  any  rate  that  they  were  again 
obliged  to  leave  their  own  affairs  and  assemble 
together, — this,  however,  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  at  once  uniting  in  showing  that  they  would  not 
now  allow  themselves  to  be  detained  by  anything 
from  the  celebration  of  the  feasts  of  the  law.  It 
is  clear  from  verse  G  that  they  did  not  wait,  un- 
til tlie  feast,  of  tabernacles,  tlie  loth  of  the  month, 
as  it  was  prescribed  in  the  law,  but  already  on 
the  day  of  the  new  moon  came  together,  yea,  in 
part  already  some  days  earlier,  so  that  the  build- 
ing of  the  altar,  which  was  for  the  first  time  un- 
dertaken on  their  coming  together,  might  be 
ready  for  the  day  of  the  new  moon. — The  peo- 
ple gathered  themselves  together  as  one 
man. — This  primarily  means  "  as  if  inspired  by 
one  will,"  thus,  "with  one  spirit"  (Keil)  6,uo- 
$viiat}6v,  1/ Esdras  v.  46,  thence  also  as  much  as 
to  say  "entirely"  (Berth.).  For  the  verbal 
repetition  of  this  verse  in  Neh.  vii.  73, and  chap, 
viii.  1,  where  an  entirely  different  event  was 
thereby  to  be  introduced,  and  for  the  additional 
clause,  which  Esdras  improperly  has  appended 
here,  after  Neh.  viii.  1,  pee  note  on  Neh.  viii.  1. 

Vor.  2.  Jesb.ua,  etc,  stood  up  and  built 
the  altar,  etc. — This  clause  indicates  the  zeal  of 
the  heads  of  the  congregation  at  Jerusalem,  which 
very  well  corresponded  wiih  that  of  the  people 
as  a  whole,  but  which  yet  has  something  striking 
in  it,  if  as  is  the  most  natural  interpretation,  the 
future,  with  1  consec,  expresses  chronological 
sequence.     Wo  are  to  suppose  that  they  had  not 


first  caused  the  people  to  come  together,  but  al- 
ready before  had  gone  to  work  in  building  the 
altar. 

Ver.  3.  This  verse  moro  closely  defines  the 
previous  one,  and  in  its  first  half  is  designed  for 
an  explanation  of  the  hesitation  of  Joshua  aud 
the  rest,  in  its  second  half  for  an  explanation  of 
what  was  meant  by  offering  offerings  according 
to  the  law. — And  they  set  the  altar  upon 
his  base — that  is,  on  the  foundation  that  was 

present  long  before  for  it.  The  sense  of  1'J 
irUDO  is  without  doubt  essentially  the  same  as 

1J133  7i»  in  chap.  ii.  G8.  The  qeri  of  the  punc- 
ta'ors  has  the  moro  usual  plural  of  the  masculine 
form,  which  occurs  also  in  Ps.  civ.  5;  the  plu- 
ral, however,  is  unsuitable  here,  because  there 
can  be  no  reference  to  different  foundations,  and 
still  less  to  different  pedestals  for  the  altar. 
Comp.  ]j"UlD3,  Zech.  v.  11.  It  is  manifest  that 
there  is  here  an  indication  that  they  made  their 
work  as  easy  as  possible,  and  sought  to  finish  it 
as  soon  as  they  could.  For  if  it  was  also  natu- 
ral that  they  should  re-erect  the  temple  on  its 
old  foundations,  partly  because  the  place  could 
not  be  arbitrarily  changed,  partly  because  the 
difficult  substructures  might  still,  without  doubt, 
be  very  well  made  use  of,  yet  with  the  altar  it 
might  easily  have  been  entirely  different.  Under 
favorable  circumstances  they  might  have  been 
obliged  to  re-establish  it  on  an  entirely  new  foun- 
dation, since  the  old  foundation,  probably,  was 
no  longer  intact.  Hence  the  explanatory  clause 
is  added:  why  they  had  not  previously  gone  to 
work: — For  (they  did  it)  because  fear  was 
upon  them,  because  of  the  people  of  those 
countries  ;  properly  fear  or  terror,  which  was 
on  them.  The  3  here  expresses  the  condition 
in  which  they  were  (comp.  Ewald,  \  217  /,  and 
\  299  A),  or  more  accurately,  it  Btates  under  what 
circumstances  the  action  proceeded.  At  any  rate 
it  can   also   be   explained   with   Ewald,  \  295/: 

in  anxiety  it  was  incumbent  upon  them  (Dn'7>') 
namely,  to  build.  The  conjecture  of  Ewald 
{Gesch.  IV.,  S.  131),  that  the  suffix  of  DH'S;'  re- 
fers to  the  people  of  the  lands  and  the  reference 
is  to  their  coming  together  to  Israel  in  a  friendly 
spirit,  in  accordance  with  Esdras  v.  49,  is  en- 
tirely inadmissible.  Accordingly  they  had  not 
ventured  to  undertake  anything  greater  or  more 
public,  because  they  feared  the  hostility  of  the 
surrounding  nations,  so  long  as  the  congregation 
was  not  assembled  in  greater  numbers,  and  they 
had  even  now  to  fear  hostile  interruption  in  a 
greater  undertaking.  The  explanation  of  J.  H. 
Mich,  and  Keil:  They  re-esUblished  altar  and 
worship  in  order  to  secure  for  themselves  the 
divine  protection  against  the  peoples,  of  whom 
they  were  afraid,  not  only  requires  us  to  supply 
too   much,  but   also   is  opposed  by  the  fact  that 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


we  should  expect,  if  this  view  were  correct,  that 
they  already  previously  would  have  gone  to  work 
upon  the  erection  of  the  altar,  and  have  offered 
sacrifices,  especially  those  of  the  daily  sacrifice. 
The  peoples  are  certainly  the  neighboring  peo- 
ples, comp.  chap.  ix.  1 ;  x.  2. — And  offered 
thereon  burnt  offerings,  etc. — They  sought  to 
act  in  accordance  with  the  law  before  all  in  of- 
fering the  daily  sacrifices.  The  sing.  7.JH  is  to 
be  referred  to  the  one  upon  whom  the  offering  of 
the  sacrifice  was  chiefly  incumbent,  the  priest  in 
service  at  the  time, — it  is  the  indefinite  subject. 
Perhaps  however  the  plural  of  the  qeri  is  more 
appropriate.  The  burnt  offerings  for  the  morn- 
ing and  evening  are  those  belonging  to  every 
morning  and  evening.  Those  on  the  weekly 
Sabbath  and  feast  days  were  required  to  be  of- 
fered in  various  numbers.  Comp.  Ex.  xxix.  38 
sq.  ;  Numb,  xxviii.  3  sq.  The  prominence  given 
to  the  burnt  offering  alone  is  to  be  explained 
from  the  fact  that  these  chiefly  came  into  consi- 
deration, since  the  daily  sacrifices,  a-i  well  as 
those  of  the  feasts,  were  chiefly  burnt  offering*, 
as  then  the  burnt  offering  was  regarded  in  ge- 
neral as  the  principal  sacrifice.  Cut  at  any  rate 
they  were  entirely  appropriate,  in  as  much  as 
they  were  the  sacrifices  of  homage,  through  which 
the  congregation  might  best  express  what  they 
now  above  all  had  to  confess,  that  they  had  Je- 
hovah for  their  Lord,  and  prayed  to  Him  a3  such. 
In  vers.  4,  5  I  he  congregation  attests  its  sacred 
zeal  by  the  celebration  of  the  feast  of  taberna- 
cles, and  by  other  ceremonies  of  worship.  The 
burnt  offering  of  the  "day  by  day,"  or  "every 
day"  is  that  prescribed  for  the  various  days  of 
the  feast  of  tabernacles.      1DD03  =  numbered, 

T  :  •    : 

pro  numero  in  sinijulos  dhs  definito  (J.  II.  Mich.), 
comp.   1  Chron.  ix.  28  ;  xxiii.  31  ;   Ezra  viii.  34. 

D3tyrD3  =  according  to  law  ;   in  Num.    xxix.  18 

t:    ■  :  =  ,  . 

21,  24,  27,  30,  33,  to  which  passages  there  is  a  re- 
ference here,  it  is  somewhat  more  definite,  in  their 
number,  according  to  the   law  QDtf'33    D1D0O3. 

to'VS  O'V  131  is  in  apposition  =  the  matter  of 
the  day  in  its  day,  opus  dies  in  die  suo  ( Vulg. 
and  J.  II.  Michaelis),  comp.  Nehem.  xi.  23. 
Bertheau  exnlains  this  expression  as  in  accord- 
ance with  DV3  DV  (vi.  <J)  as  the  duty  to  be  done 
day  by  day,  but  this  is  opposed  by  the  fact  that 
tol'3  has  the  suffix.  Compare  for  these  pre- 
scribed sacrifices  Num.  xxviii.  and  xxix.,  in  ac- 
cordance witlt  which  there  must  be  offered  on  the 
first  day  of  the  feast  of  tabernacles  thirteen  bul- 
locks, on  tbe  second  day  twelve,  and  so  on. 

Ver.  6.  And  afterward  (they  offered)  the 
daily  burnt  offering. — Here  we  must  supply  the 
verb,  they  offered.  Since  according  to  ver.  6  they 
began  to  offer  burnt  offerings  on  the  first  day  of 
the  seventh  month,  the  meaning  cannot  be  that 
they  did  not  begin  with  the  daily  burnt  offerings 
until  after  the  feast  of  tabernacles  (against 
Berth.),  as  if  on  the  first  day  they  had  merely 
offered  the  offerings  of  the  new  moon,  and  on 
the  feast  of  tabernacles  the  offerings  of  the  feast; 
but  had  not  yet  on  the  ordinary  days  offered  the 
daily  sacrifices.  That  is  ineonceivahlc,  or  at 
least  highly  improbable.  Moreover,  the  words 
do  nut.  imply  that  until  the  feast  of  tabernacles 


only  the  chief  offerings  had  been  offered,  but  not 
the  offerings  of  the  new  moon,  and  as  little  the 
offerings  of  the  atonement  day  (against  Keil). 
Rather  it  is  merely  said,  that  after  the  sacrifices 
of  the  feast  of  tabernacles  the  usual  order  of 
offerings  wis  again  continued,  which  included 
the  daily  offerings,  and  then  also  those  of  the 
new  moon  and  other  feasts. — And  of  the  new 
moons,  is  briefly,  what  was  proper  for  the  new 
moons,  etc. — And  of  every  one  that  will- 
ingly offered  a  free-will  offering  unto  the 
Lord. — These  words  refer  t )  all  the  other  free- 
will offerings  brought  by  the  people  which  were 
offered,  especially  on  the  feast-days  (comp.  Deut. 
xvi.  2,  10,  16,  17),  but  also  on  o:her  occasions. 
Moreover,  among  these  offerings  the  sin  offering 
is  certainly  included,  as  it  belonged  to  the  new 
moons,  etc.,  and  was  necessarily  attached  to 
the  burnt  offerings  (comp.  Num.  xxviii.  15  sq.). 

Wo  are  to  supply  to  D"tfT"0  first  of   all   TTTJ, 

instead  of  TDfl  nVj?.  Even  the  mi]  might 
also  be  a  burnt  offering,  Lev.  xx:i.  18,  and  espe- 
cially Ez.  xlvi.  12;  it  only  do  ended  upon  the 
form  of  the  offering,  namely,  whether  the  gift 
was  entirely  consecrated  to  t.ie  Lord,  or  a  festival 
meal  was  taken  from  it  for  the  offerer  and  his 
family.  Perhaps,  however,  we  are  to  think  finally 
of  the  offerings  in  general,  instead  of  the  burnt 
offering,  also  of  the  bloody  offering,  of  which  the 
7131]    was    usually    a   subordinate    class    (Lev. 

viTlG). 

Vers.  6,  7.  Here  begins  the  anxie'y  for  the 
building  of  the  temple.  From  the  first  day  of 
the  seventh  month  on,  they  did  not  lack  in  zeal 
in  offering  burnt  offerings,  although  the  founda- 
tion of  the  temple  had  not  yet  been  laid, — this 
for  an  introduction.  They  now,  however,  did 
their  best  (ver.  7)  henceforth  towards  laying  the 
foundation  of  the  temple.  They  gave  money  to 
the  rj'Dj'n,  who  hewed  stones,  or  even  cut  tim- 
ber, and  to  the  D'E'IFI,  who  prepared  the  stones 
and  the  timber,  accordingly  the  workmen,  with- 
out doubt,  from  the  contributions  mentioned  in 
ii.  68  sq.  To  the  Sidonians  and  Tyrians,  how- 
ever, who  are  always  referred  to  in  connection 
with  the  products  of  Canaan,  they  gave  in  return 
for  their  cedar  wood,  food  and  drink,  that  is, 
grain,  wine,  and  oil,  just  as  Solomon  also  had 
paid  them  with  the  produce  of  the  earth,  1  King! 
v.  21-25;  2  Chron.  ii.  10-15.  Accordingly  they 
had  already  found  or  cultivated  something  in 
the  land  which  they  practically  had  taken  pos- 
session of  in  the  Bpring,  from  which  they  had 
been  able  to  secure  a  harvest. — To  bring  cedar 
trees  from  Lebanon  to  the  sea  of  Joppa  = 
to  Joppa  on  the  sea,  as  I  Kings  v.  23  and  2  Chron. 
ii.  15.  Bertheau  understands  by  it  not  exactly 
Joppa  itself,  but  merely  the  vicinity,  but  there 
certainly  was  nothing  in  the  way  of  their  landing 
at  Joppa  itself.  The  sand  drifts  which  now  ren- 
der it  impossible  for  ships  to  approach  nearer  the 
coast  than  half  an  hour's  sail,  and  the  earthquake 
that  seems  to  have  occurred,  were  probably  then 
not  in  the  way,  and  by  no  means  hindered  the 
landing  from  rafts.  At  other  points  of  that  coast 
the  difficulties  would  have  been  still  greater. — 
According  to  the  grant,  etc.     The  permission 


CHAP.  III.   1-18. 


39 


^ivcn  them  by  Cyrus,  which  to  a  certain  extent 
rendered  the  work  obligatory  to  them,  was  the 
general  permission  to  build  the  temple;  implicite 
it  involved  aUo  special  permission  to  put  them- 
selves in  connection  with  t lie  Phoenicians  for  the 
accomplishment  of  this  purpose.  TVBf"!  is  an  ot, 
?.ey.,  whose  meaning  is  derived  from  the  Aramaic 

and  Rabbinical  NU?"V  'CH,   facultatem  habtre.  and 
t  :       t  : 

W),  faculla*. 

Vers.  8-13.  The  sacred  zeal  of  the  congrega- 
tion showed  itself  above  all  at  the  laying  of  the 
foundation  of  the  temple.  In  the  next  year  the 
preparation  previously  necessary  had  been  so  far 
completed,  that  now  they  could  think  of  the 
building  itself.  When  Theophilus  (ad.  AntuL, 
Lib.  III.),  according  to  Berosus,  designates  this 
second  year  after  the  return  as  the  second  year 
of  Cyrus,  it  is  perhaps  only  in  consequence  of  a 
sort  of  carelessness.  Cyrus  had,  it  is  true,  given 
the  permission  to  return  already  in  his  first  year, 
but  before  the  return  itself  could  have  taken 
place  the  necessary  consultations  and  prepara- 
tions required  a  considerable  time,  during  which 
Cyrus'  second  year  already  approached.  After 
that  I  hey  had  first  allowed  the  passover  feast  to 
pass  by.  anil  perhaps  also  already  the  grain  har- 
vest had  been  quite  well  advanced;  they  pro- 
ceeded in  the  second  month  to  lay  the  founda- 
tion.— Zerubbabel,  Jeshua,  and  the  rem- 
nant of  their  brethren.  By  these  we  must 
understand  the  entire  congregation,  at  least  so 
far  as  they  were  settled  in  Jerusalem;  the  rem- 
nant of  their  brethren  are  brethren  in  the  wider 
sense,  who  are  immediately  more  closely  defined 
on  the  one  side  as  priests  and  Levites,  who  at 
once  follow  after  the  high-priest  Jeshua,  and  on 
the  other  side  all  who  had  come  out  of  the  cap- 
tivity to  Jerusalem,  having  joined  Zerubbabel. 
Accordingly  the  entire  congregation,  as  well  in 
their  leaders  as  in  their  multitude,  took  part  in  the 
work. — Began  and  appointed  the  Levites, 
who  were  twenty  years  old  and  upward. 
This  might  mean,  they  began  to  appoint,  accord- 
ing to  Gesen.,  \  142,  3  a.  But  according  to  the 
context  the  sense  is:  they  began  the  building  of  the 
temple,  in  that  they  appointed  t he  Levite.  TBJjjn  is 
used,  especially  by  our  author,  in  the  sense  of 
"appointing  to  an  office."  Com  p.  1  Chron.  iv.  17. 
etc.  That  they  also  appointed  the  Levites  at  the 
age  of  twenty  years  with  the  rest,  was  in  accord- 
ance with  the  rule  of  David,  1  Chron.  xxiii.  24  sq., 
and  after  the  example  of  Moses  (Numb.  viii.  24). 

n-XJ ,  in  the  sense  of  "direct,"  with  7J£.  is,  with 
the  exception  of  the  titles  of  the  Psalms  and 
Hab.  iii.  19,  peculiar  to  our  author.  Gusset 
improperly  asserts,  with  reference  to  1  Chron. 
xxiii.  4,  that  nSJ  may  also  mean  "unite  with 
one  in  a  work,"  but  it  can  only  mean  to  preside 
over  an  affair,  sometimes  also  accomplish  it. 

Ver.  9.  The  Levites  nt  once  gladly  did  their 
part  in  the  work  entrusted  to  them  by  the  con- 
gregation. The  sing.  ity'l  is  here  hardly  to  be 
explained  from  the  fact  that  the  verb,  when  it 
precedes,  is  not  so  strongly  bound  to  the  number 
of  the  subject.  The  sense  is  rather:  Jeshua 
through  his  sons  and  brethren  stood.       l'J2  and 


also  VHX  are  not  merely  used  without  connec- 
tives, which  would  here  be  unusual,  hut  are  in 
explanatory  apposition  with  Jeshua.  The  names 
designating  the  fathers'  houses  are  the  names 
of  ancient,  and,  for  the  most  part,  fathers  of  the 
times  before  the  exile,  who  now  existed  only  in 
their  sons  and  brethren;  that  is,  as  well  in  their 
own  posterity  as  also  in  that  of  their  younger 
brothers.  Comp.  notes  on  ii.  3.  Jeshua  and 
also  Kadmiel  are,  according  to  ii.  40,  two  such 
names,  comp.  aUo  Neh.  x.  10,  according  to  which 
even  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  Jeshua  and  Kad- 
miel still  existed.  This  view  is  not  opposed  by 
the  fact  that  "and  his  sons"  is  connected  by 
conjunction  with  Kadmiel.  We  may  understand 
thereby  the  older   men  of  this  family  and  their 

sons.     Instead  of  n"NiT  'J3   we  are  to  read,  ac- 
t      :    "i 

cording  to  ii.  40,  without  doubt,  iTITin  ~  'J2- 
Whether  this  is  in  appositiou  with  the  two  fami- 
lies of  Jeshua  and  Kadmiel,  or  merely  refers  to 
the  hitter,  is  as  doubttul  here  as  in  ii.  40.  Pro- 
bably it  is  the  latter  (with  Keil  against  Ber- 
theau).  That  both,  however,  had  a  common  an- 
cestor, who  was  not  Hodaviah,  but  Henadad,  may 
be  regarded  as  resulting  from  the  last  words  of 
our  verse.  It  is  highly  improbable  that  the 
clause  as  one  (so  united  and  entirely  one  were 
they)  to  set  forward  the  workman  in  the 
house  of  God  should  be  followed  by  the  last 
words  of  the  verse:  the  sons  of  Henadad, 
their  sons  and  their  brethren,  the  Levites, 
with  the  intention  of  naming  Btili  another  third 
a  idilional  family;  for  they  would  not.  have  bec-ii 
added  on  here  without  connection  and  without 
any  predicate.  Probably  they  are  in  apposition 
to  both,  to  Jeshua  and  Kadmiel,  with  their  sons. 
The  relationship  and  connection  of  both  would 
thus  be  indicated.  In  favor  of  this  view  is  the 
comprehensive  conclusion:  their  sons  and  bre- 
thren, the  Levites,  which  does  not  suit  a  third 
particular  class,  but  only  the  Levites  in  question 
as  a  whole.  This  also  explains  the  reason  why 
in  chap.  ii.  40  Henadad  is  not  mentioned  among 
the  returned  exiles  alongsid"  of  Jeshua  and  Kad- 
miel. That  in  Neh.  iii.  24  and  x.  10  Binnui  is  at 
once  designated  as  a  son  of  Henadad,  may  rest 
upon  the  fact  that  he  belonged  neither  to  Jeshua 
nor  to  Kadmiel,  but  to  Henadad,  constituting  a 
family  of  his  own,  which  was  sufficiently  well  re- 
presented, and  hence  not  especially  named. 
That  no  force  is  to  be  given  to  Esdras  v.  66 
(against  Bertheau),  where  the  sons  of  He- 
nadad are  adduced  as  a  special  class  and 
are  placed  before  the  predicate,  is  sufficiently 
clear  from  the  fact  that  there  the  sons  of  Judah 
(Hodaviah)  are  likewise  treated  as  a  special  class 
(viol  'Iurfd  tov  'H/liadoitS).  Moreover  7WS  is  a 
rare  form,  which  is  peculiar  to  our  author  for 
'V>\     Comp    1  Chron    xxiii.  24,  etc. 

Vers.  10,  11.  The  laying  of  the  foundation  was 
accomplished  with  solemnity  and  festivity.  The 
perf.  with  the  simple  copula  HuH  does  not  in  it- 
self carry  on  the  narrative,  but  serves,  as  if  the 
subject  preceded  and  the  preterite  followed,  to 
give  the  circumstances  of  the  subsequent  state- 
ment, so  that  the  sense  is:  And  when  the 
builders  laid  the  foundations  of  the  tern- 


40 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


pie,  they  appointed  the  priests,  e'c, — The 

subjects  of  WD>'^_are  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua 
and  the  congregation  with  them.  The  Kal.,  the 
priests  stood,  which  is  in  Esdras,  Sept.,  and 
Vulg.,  instead  of  the  Hiphil,  would  not  be  better 
(Dertheau),  unless  we  should  regard  this  verse 
as  well  as  the  ninth,  as  carrying  on  the  eighth 
verse;  in  other  words,  if  it  were  parallel  with 
the  ninth,  which  is  Eot  the  case.  Rather  it  is 
parallel  with  the  eighth  verse,  and  contains  a 
new  appointment,  that  of  the  priests  and  musi- 
cians, and  then  ver.  11  parallel  with  ver.  9  nar- 
rates the  activity  of  those  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed.— In  their  apparel. — We  must  supply 

W3  (Byssus)  with  U'VTIO,  comp.  2  Chron.  v.  12: 
at  any  rate,  the  sense  is:  clothed  with  official 
robes.  The  following  "with  trumpets"  does 
depend  upon  it.  The  trumpets,  which  do  not 
properly  have  music  in  view,  were  entrusted  to 
the  priests  (Num.  x.  10).  The  music  proper  was 
from  the  time  of  David  incumbent  upon  particu- 
lar families    of   the   Levites,   especially  that  of 

Asaph  (1  Chron.  xiii.  8;  xv.  1G,  10).  'T"^  is, 
according  to  the  appointment,  institution,  1 
Chron.  xiv.  2. 

Ver.  11.  And  they  sang  together  by 
course  in  praising,  etc. — We  may  tuke  'JJ"l_in 
the  usual  sense:  they  began  with  praising,  etc  ; 
but  may  likewise,  with  the  older  interpreters, 
as  Clericus  and  J.  H.  Michaelis,  explain:  they 
responded  to  one  another  in  responsive  songs. 
Whilst  the  one  choir  sang:  "Praise  the  Lord,  for 
He  is  good,"  the  other  answered:  "For  His 
mercy  endureth  forever."  They  were  songs  of 
praise,  as  Ps.  cvi.  and  cvii.,  cxviii.  and  exxxvi., 
that  they  struck  up,  comp.  1  Chron.  xvi.  34,  41 ; 

2  Chron.  v.  13;  vii.  3,  etc.  "IDin  ")$_,  "over  the 
being  fo;inded"=on  account  of  the  laying  of  the 
foundation.     Comp.  2  Chron.  iii.  3. 

Vers.  12, 13.  It  is  true  that  strcng  expressions 
of  sorrow  mingled  with  the  joy,  yet  both  sorrow 
and  joy  showed  equally  well  the  sacred  zeal  of 
the  congregation  in  the  worship  of  God.  If  the 
exile  had  begun  in  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim, 
and  the  temple  had  not  been  destroyed  till  eight- 
een years  later  in  688  B.  C  ,  there  might  now  very 
well  be  old  men  present, — since  only  seventy-two 
years  had  passed  since  that  beginning  of  the  ex- 
ile,— who  ba.d  seen  the  old  temple,  and  had  still  a 
lively  remembrance  of  it.  Even  Haggai,  in  the 
second  year  of  Darius,  when  some  seventy  years 
(more  accurately  sixty-six)  had  passed  since  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  itself  presupposes  that 
one  and  another  had  still  a  remembranceof  the  old 
temple.  Comp.  Hag.  ii.  3.  ilp'3  is  attached  by 
the  accents  to  the  previous  words,  as  if  ID'  were 
a  noun,  which  meant  founding,  then  permanence. 
But  this  noun  nowhere  else  occurs;  besides, 
np'3,  as  an  infin.,  seems  to  be  conneoted  with 
the  words  that  follow  thus:  When  the  foun- 
dation of  this  house  was  laid  before  their 
eyes. — With  this  interpretation,  it  is  true,  the 
suffix  is  pleonastic,  but  in  other  passages  of  this 
author  the  suffix  anticipates  with  emphasis  the 
subject   following  it  in   apposition,  comp.  chap. 


ix.  1;  2  Chron.  xxvi.  14,  etc.;  Ewald,  J  209  c. 
[This  is  a  late  Hebrew  usage,  an  Aramaism;  so 
also  ni  without  the  article  and  before  its  noun 
is  cmphatic=thissim\  thisvery. — Tit.] — Many 
old  people  wept  with  a  loud  voice. — Not, 
as  it  were,  tears  of  joy,  because  they  could  now 
again  Bee  the  h  iuse  of  Go  1  arise;  so  also  not 
merely  with  tears  of  emotion,  because  they  on  this 
occasion  were  again  vividly  reminded  of  the 
evils  they  had  passed  through.  The  relative 
clause:  that  had  seen  the  first  house  gives 
the  sense  very  decidedly :  they  wept  tears  of  sot- 
row,  because  they  could  not  conceal  from  them- 
selves the  fact  that  the  new  work,  in  accordance 
with  all  the  prevailing  circumstances,  promised 
but  little  to  attain  unto  the  glory  of  the  old.  In 
favor  of  this  is  also  Hag.  ii.  3  and  Zech.  iv.  10. 
These  tears  were  thus  a  proof  that  if  only  it  had 
been  in  any  way  possible,  they  would  gladly 
have  made  the  new  house  as  glorious  as  the  old. 
The  second  clause  is  then  antithetical:  but 
many  shouted  aloud  for  joy — that  is,  were 
in  such  a  joyful  condition  that  tbey  could  not  but 
be  loud  in  their  expression  of  joy. 

Arer.  13.  Themeaningofthe  words:  the  people 
could  not  discern  the  noise  of  the  shouts 
of  joy  from  the  noise  of  the  weeping  of 
the  people,  can  only  be  that  both  those  who 
rejoiced  and  those  who  wept  were  alike  zealous 
to  express  their  feelings — so  much  so  indeed  that 
the  words  which  were  sung  could  not  be  under- 
stood.— For  the  people  shouted  with  a 
loud  shout  and  the  noise  was  heard  afar 

off — jTJMTn  and  Vlp  in  this  clause  in  distinction 
from  iinotyn  njNIfl  in  the  first  clause,  can  only 
mean  the  cry  in  general.  This  confused  cry 
would  be  to  the  blame  of  the  new  congregation, 
if  the  confusion  itself  had  not  been  the  result  of 
sacred   enthusiasm   for  the    cause  of  the  Lord. 

pimoS-lj;  Btands  for  the  more  simple  pHmOl 
as  in  2  Chron.  xxvi.  15. 

THOUGHTS  "UPON  THE  HISTORY  OF.  REDEMPTION. 

Our  chapter  presents  a  beautiful  picture  of 
the  sacred  enthusiasm  of  the  new  congregation 
for  the  glory  of  God,  and  especially  of  their 
commendable  zeal  for  the  restoration  of  the  tem- 
ple. In  former  times  pious  kings  had  provided 
in  this  way  for  the  worthy  worship  of  God  ;  but 
now  here  for  the  first  time  we  see  the  congrega- 
tion as  a  whole  of  their  own  accord  stepping 
forward  in  this  manner.  Such  an  inspiration 
of  heart,  had  without  doubt  from  the  first  been 
rendered  possible  and  brought  about  by  the 
severe  judgment  which  God  had  sent  upon  them, 
and  by  the  hard  oppression  connected  therewith. 
It  was  like  the  break  of  a  lovely  spring  day,  full 
of  new  life,  after  a  storm.  It  did  not  by  any 
means  secure  them  a  result  that  must  be  secured 
by  them,  without  trials  and  hindcrances;  but 
yet  they  were  finally  to  have  a  noble  and  great 
success,  yea,  they  gained  a  great  importance  for 
the  entire  subsequent  development  of  the  con- 
gregation and  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

Vers.  1-3.  That  the  congregation,  as  soon  as 
they  could  be  assembled  together  as  such,  should 


CHAP.   III.   1-13. 


a 


feel  above  all  impelled  to  build  the  Lord  an  allar 
and  offer  burnt-offerings,  was  in  accordance 
with  the  command  which  Moses  had  once  given 
to  the  people  to  set  up  on  Ebal,  the  navel  of  the 
laud,  Btones  and  inscribe  thereon  the  law  of  the 
Lord  (Deut.  xxvii.  1-8),  and  even  so  with  the 
other  command  to  proclaim  on  this  mountain 
the  curse  for  the  transgressor,  and  on  Gerizim 
the  blessing  for  t he  obedient,  Deut.  xi.  29-32; 
xxvii.  9-26.  If  the  ancient  congregation  had 
by  that  act  placed  the  land  under  the  divine 
commandment,  aud  marked  it  as  under  the 
Lord's  jurisdiction,  and  put  it  uuder  the  obliga- 
tion to  obe}'  Him,  so  the  new  congregation  con- 
secrated themselves  by  this  worship  unto  Sim, 
as  entirely  belonging  to  Him  ;  they  confessed  by 
the  burnt-offering  in  a  symbolical  manner,  that 
what  they  have,  they  have  from  the  Lord,  and 
what  they  are,  they  are  through  Him,  that  thus 
they  must  be  entirely  devoted  to  Him.  As  of- 
ferings of  homage,  the  burnt-offerings  were  bet- 
ter calculated  than  others  to  inaugurate  the  new 
beginning,  the  spring,  which  now  broke  forth 
for  the  congregation  after  the  long  night  of 
w  i  nter. 

Ver.  4.  It  was  because  of  the  season  of  the 
year  in  which  the  congregition  had  arrived  in 
Canaan  that  the  first  feast  which  they  could 
again  celebrate  in  accordance  with  the  law  was 
the  feast  of  tabernacles.  At  the  same  time, 
however,  we  may  see  therein  a  special  provi- 
dence of  God,  which  was  at  o^ce  lovely  and  sig- 
nificant to  the  congregation.  The  booths  adorned 
with  foliage  and  fruits  had  previously  represented 
as  well  the  gracious  help  in  the  times  of  the 
wilderness  as  also  the  gracious  blessings  of  har- 
vest in  the  present  (not  the  tent-life  in  the  wil- 
derness as  such,  comp.  my  Abh.  in  der  deutschrn 
Zatschrift,  1S37.  and  my  Komm.  zii  V.  Mot. 
XVI.,  and  Keil's  ArchSol.  I.,  S.  412  sqq.);  cor- 
responding wi'h  this,  the  booths  now  gained  of 
themselves  a  reference,  on  the  one  side,  to  the 
exhibition  of  grace  during  the  new  prolonged 
wilderness-time  of  the  exile,  which  had  entered 
with  so  much  gloom  into  the  midst  of  the  history 
of  Israel;  so  to  speak  to  the  booths  of  protec- 
tion aud  defiance  which  had  arisen  for  the  peo- 
ple by  the  grace  of  the  Lord  even  in  the  heathen 
world,  and  on  the  other  side  to  the  new  regain- 
ing of  Canaan,  which,  to  a  certaiu  extent,  was  a 
security  and  a  pledge  of  all  the  further  blessings 
in  store  for  them  in  this  land.  They  expressed 
the  thanks  which  they  owed  to  the  Lord  for  both 
of  these  blessings  in  an  especially  lively  and 
internal  manner.  This  feast  of  tabernacles  was 
a  festal  and  joyous  conclusion  of  all  the  preser- 
vations, consolations  and  blessings  that  were 
bebiud  them,  connected  with  a  joyous  glance 
into  the  future  ;  it  was  an  evidence  that  a  height 
had  been  reached  upon  which  finally  even  the 
last  height  might  be  attained,  an  indication  that 
some  day,  after  all  their  struggles  and  all  their 
labors,  a  still  more  glorious  feast  of  tabernacles, 
the  Messianic,  the  eternal  and  truly  blessed  one, 
would  come.     Comp.  Zech.  xiv. 

Vers.  6,  7.  The  celebration  of  the  feast  of 
tabernacles  was  followed  by  the  preparation  for 
building  the  temple  in  an  especially  appropriate 
and  beiutiful  manner.  If  the  Lord  had  pro- 
vided His  congregation  with  booths  of  preserva- 


tion, of  consolation,  and  of  joy,  nut  only  now  in 
Canaan,  but  even  also  in  the  times  of  the  wil- 
derness of  the  exile,  how  ought  they  now  to 
have  felt  impelled  from  the  heart  to  build  Him 
a  tabernacle  also,  in  which  His  honor  might 
dwell,  a  tabernacle  of  God  with  men,  at  least 
with  aud  among  His  people!  The  communion 
with  the  Lord,  which  they  had  already  enjoyed, 
would  have  been  no  true  one,  if  it  had  not  been 
connected  with  the  desire  that  it  should  become 
strengthened  aud  made  more  iutitnatc,  and  if 
this  desire  had  not  now  engaged  in  building  tho 
temple.  That  is  the  great  end  of  all  provideu- 
tial  guidances,  that  communion  between  Himself 
and  men,  as  it  was  prepared  on  His  part  by  Hiu 
condescension,  should  become  established  and 
enlivened  more  aud  more  also  on  the  part  of 
men;  for  the  most  part  naturally  through  the 
communion  of  the  heart  with  Him,  but  also  in 
order  that  it  might  be  cherished  in  the  heart,  by 
I  he  establishment,  enlargement  and  completion 
of  the  external  means  and  institutions  which 
liave  been  provided  by  God  Himself  for  the  pur- 
pose. The  blessings  and  gifts  with  which  He 
lias  blessed  us  should  always  be  employed  first 
and  chiefly  for  this  purpose.  Aud  how  greatly 
are  we  shamed  in  this  respect  by  this  weak  con- 
gregation of  returned  exiles,  who  were  scarcely 
able  to  sow  and  reap,  and  who  yet  had  so  much 
left  for  the  building  of  the  temple. 

Ver.  7.  It  was  significant  also  ihat  at  this 
building  of  tho  temple  again  it  was  not  Canaan 
proper,  but  the  Phoenician  Lebanon,  that  pro- 
vided the  building-material  and  that,  correspond- 
ing with  this  heathen  workmen  and  artists  also 
took  part  in  erecting  the  house  of  God.  It 
indicates  that  the  rest  of  the  earth  also,  and  cor- 
responding thereto,  the  rest  of  mankind,  are  to 
render  their  gifts  and  capacities,  which  are 
more  and  more  to  take  part  in  the  complete  and 
iruo  worship  of  the  Lord,  that  the  Lord  by  no 
I  means  regards  them  as  profane.  The  rest  of 
j  the  earth  and  mankind  became  thereby,  to  a 
certain  extent,  consecrated  in  advance  and  de- 
[  signated  as  one  who,  if  now  already  in  the  Old 
Testament  economy,  yet  still  more  some  day  in 
the  fulness  of  time,  would  take  part  in  the  high- 
est destiny  of  Israel.  Comp.  the  beautiful  re- 
marks of  B'ahr  on  1  Kings  v. 

Vers.  8,  9.  It  was  not  a  tingle  head,  as  once 
with  Solomon,  from  whom  now  the  building  of 
the  temple  proceeded ;  with  Zerubbabel  and 
Jeshua,  at  the  same  time  all  the  returned  exiks 
equally  took  part,  as  it  is  expressly  said.  That 
the  entire  congregation  should  take  part  fretly 
in  the  highest  woik  of  humanity  is  the  great 
object  in  view  in  all  the  divine  providential  gui- 
dances. Connected  with  this,  however,  tho  con- 
gregation gave  a  Levitical  family  the  charge 
of  conducting  the  work  of  building,  accord- 
ingly in  their  choice  of  officers  fell  in  with  tho 
regulations  made  and  sanctified  by  God  already 
long  before,  and  thus  certainly  took  the  best 
action,  since  indeed  in  the  tribe  of  Levi  the 
interest  in  the  house  of  God  was  still  cherished 
in  the  most  lively  manner,  and  the  understand- 
ing of  what  was  necessary  or  appropriate  was 
most  surely  preserved.  That  is  always  the 
most  salutary  and  beautiful  when  the  free  re- 
cognition or  choice  on  the  part  of  the  congrega- 


42 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


tion  and  the   arrangements   objectively  present 
on  the  part  of  God  harmoniously  combine. 

Vers.  12,  13.  With  respect  to  the  expressions 
of  joy  and  sorrow  at  the  laying  of  the  founda- 
tion of  the  temple,  every  step  by  which  we 
atlumpt  to  draw  near  to  our  highest  end,  the 
confirmation  of  our  communion  with  God,  should 
become  a  joyous  feast.  For  the  nearer  we 
approach  this  end,  the  more  there  comes  into 
view  not  only  the  true  reverence  of  the  Lord, 
but  also  the  fulness  of  redemption  and  life,  of 
righteousness,  of  peace,  and  of  joy,  involved 
therein.  The  farther  otf  we  remain  therefrom, 
the  more  do  unrighteousness,  discord  and  mis- 
chief threaten  to  prevail.  In  fact  nothing  is  so 
well  calculated  to  exalt  the  hearts  of  the  chil- 
dren of  God  from  within  outward,  to  fill  them 
with  sacred  joy  and  attune  them  to  festivity,  as 
the  coming  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  EwalJ 
properly  conjectures  that  at  the  time  of  the  lay- 
ing of  the  foundation  (we  must  understand  the 
times  of  the  building  of  the  temple  and  those 
that  immediately  followed  as  included  therein), 
many  a  grand  song  resounded  afresh,  as  the 
118th  Psalm,  a  song  of  festivity  and  sacrifice 
expressing  the  feelings  of  that  period  with  such 
wonderful  depth  ;  and  that  they  Boon,  as  they 
again  made  pilgrimages  to  the  ancient  seat  of 
true  religion  and  the  Davidic  sovereignty,  as 
well  as  the  sanctuary  itself  (so  Psalm  lxxxvii.), 
as  nlso  on  the  joyous  pilgrim-march,  sang  a  rich 
abundance  of  new  songs  of  great  power  and  en- 
chanting inwardness,  such  as  had  hardly  arisen 
since  the  time  of  David  in  such  streaming  full- 
ness and  creative  life  (so  Ps.  cxx.-cxxxiv  ). 
Comp.  Ewald,  Gesch.  IV.,  S.  181,  133.  In  the 
profound  110th  Psalm:  "I  love  the  Lord  be- 
cause he  hath  heard  my  voice  and  my  supplica- 
tions," the  voice  of  joy  mingled  with  6orrow, 
then  so  general,  has  found  an  appropriate  and 
particular  expression,  which  is  so  beautiful,  that 
the  pious  king  Fred.  TVilliam  IV,  of  Prussia,  in 
his  last  severe  affliction,  chose  it  for  his  prayer. 
In  the  cxiii.  Psalm,  however,  "Praise,  0  ye 
servants  of  the  Lord,  praise  the  name  of  the  Lord 
— the  Lord  is  high  above  all  nations,  and  His 
glory  above  the  heavens,"  there  is  combined, 
in  the  same  characteristic  manner,  the  thought 
of  the  lowliness  and  poverty  that  they  then  so 
severely  felt,  and  the  praise  for  the  exaltation 
which  had  now  taken  place.  Especially,  how- 
ever, Psalm  cvii.  belongs  here  with  its  remem- 
brance of  all  the  different  afflictions  and  dangers 
through  which  they  had  passed  with  God's  help 
and  with  its  constantly  recurring  refrain:  ''0 
that  men  would  praise  the  Lord  for  His  good- 
ness, and  for  His  wonderful  works  to  the  chil- 
dren of  men;"  and  probably  also  Psalm  cvi.,  with 
ils  prayer  that  the  Lord  would  still  further  ga- 
ther them  from  among  the  heathen  and  redeem 
them  from  trouble.  If  we  still  so  often,  on  our 
part,  have  a  lack  of  joy  and  suffer  from  depres- 
sion of  spirits,  and  if  even  in  better  hours  a  pres- 
sure remains  upon  the  soul,  of  which  we  are  at 
times  scarcely  clearly  conscious,  then  even  this 
sadness  may  redound  to  the  glory  of  God,  that  is, 
bo  a  divine  sorrow,  which  has  its  ground  in  the 
fact  that  we  cannot  serve  God  as  we  would  wish, 
and  ns  would  be  really  worthy  of  Him.  Under 
snob,  circumstances  we  should  not  lack  beams  of 


hope,  or  rather  of  promise,  that  would  be  able  to 
transfigure  them. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-6.  The  feast  of  the  redeemed  :  1)  They 
present  their  offerings  to  God  ;  a)  for  the  redemp- 
tion for  which  they  are  thankful  to  the  Lord,  and 
for  which  they  owe  all  to  Him  ;  6)  notwithstand- 
ing the  hostility  of  the  world,  which  indeed 
grieves  them  and  hinders  them  in  many  ways  ex- 
ternally, but  cannot  hold  them  back  from  that 
which  is  essential;  c)  they  consecrate  themselves 
by  a  daily  dedication  of  themselves.  2)  They 
celebrate  especially  a  feast  of  tabernacles  ;  a)  as 
preserved  in  the  desert  of  the  world  and  deli- 
vered therefrom  ;  b)  as  richly  blessed  in  the  land 
of  the  Lord  ;  c)  as  called  to  the  eternal  taberna- 
cles of  joy.  3)  They  advance  the  building  of 
the  house  and  kingdom  of  God;  a)  they  conse- 
crate for  this  purpose  their  possessions  and  gifts ; 
i)  they  seek  therefore  also  to  add  thereto  that 
which  is  suitable  in  the  world — all  (1,  2  and  3)  on 
the  ground  of  and  according  to  the  prescriptions 
of  the  word  of  God. — Brentius  :  Nobis  quolidic 
hoc  festum  celebrandum  est,  quod  turn  celebratur, 
dum  docemus  et  sentimus,  nos  esse  peregrinos  in  hoc 
•mundo  et  in  tabernaculis  corporis  nostri  brevi  duran- 
tibus,  nostrum  politcuma  esse  in  ccelo.  Starke  : 
How  lovely  and  necessary  is  brotherly  love  among 
the  children  of  God  !  Especially  in  the  building 
of  the  spiritual  temple  under  Christ  should  there 
be  one  heart  and  one  soul,  and  each  one  should 
stand  as  all  and  all  as  one  man,  Acts  ii.  44;  iv. 
32  ;  Ps.  exxxiii.  2.  If  we  would  again  properly 
reform  and  re-establish  the  worship  of  God,  God's 
word  must  be  the  law,  rule,  lamp,  and  guiding 
star,  Ps.  six.  5 ;  xxiii.  4;  cxix.  103.  Although 
believers  have  the  commandment  and  promise  of 
God  before  them,  yet  the  human  heart  is  often  so 
weak  that  it  is  easily  frightened;  but  we  should 
here  be  at  the  same  time  blind  and  dumb,  and 
not  look  to  the  present  state  of  affairs,  but  rely 
upon  God's  word  alone,  Prov.  xviii.  10. 

Vers.  6-10.  How  the  house  (kingdom)  of  God 
is  built:  1)  by  the  offerings  of  men;  a)  by  the 
possessions  and  gifts  of  the  congregation;  b)  by 
appropriating  and  using  that  which  is  useful  in 
the  world ;  c)  under  the  protection  of  the  civil 
authorities  ("according  to  the  permission  of 
Cyrus").  2)  By  the  activity  not  only  of  the 
heads  but  also  of  the  other  members.  The  heads 
have  their  work  to  do  as  leaders,  but  the  rest 
have  freely  to  co-operate,  they  have  to  assist 
those  who  according  to  the  divine  arrangement 
have  the  charge  of  affairs,  encourage  them  and 
strengthen  them.  3)  By  the  faithfulness  of  of- 
ficers to  their  duties.  God  has  ordained  officers 
for  the  sake  of  order.  There  is  not  only  the  of- 
fice of  priests,  but  also  that  of  their  helpers,  the 
teachers,  and  especially  also  fathers  and  mothers. 
— Starke:  God  distributes  His  gifts  in  many 
ways ;  to  one  He  gives  talents  for  one  work,  to 
another  for  another,  1  Cor.  xii.  7  sq.  The  spi- 
ritual temple  should  also  be  urged  on  in  all  ranks 
of  society  with  all  energy,  in  order  that  the  peo- 
ple may  be  built  up  into  an  holy  temple  in  the 
Lord,  Ez.  ii.  22.  Preachers  and  magistrates,  in- 
structors also,  and  parents,  thus  build  a  temple 
when  they  properly  teach   and  preach,  preserve 


CHAP.  IV.  1-24. 


43 


discipline  and  honesty,  and  bring   up   the  youth 
to  piety. 

Vers.  11-13.  The  joy  of  the  congregation  of 
the  Lord  :  1 )  Its  ground — the  laying  of  the  foun- 
dation of  t  lie  house  of  God ;  God  on  His  part  would 
have  a  dwelling  among  men,  for  this  He  has  accom- 
complished  the  work  of  redemption,  especially  the 
incarnation,  the  atonement,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  Church;  the  congregation  on  their  part 
constitute  ever  some  part  of  the  beginning  of  the 
house  of  God.  2)  Its  hind — -it  is  a  festive  joy, 
and  expresses  itself  accordingly  in  music  and 
songs  in  praise  of  the  Lord,  but  is  still  saddened, 
because  the  house  of  God  still  continues  to  lack 
the  true  glory.  3)  Its  significance, — its  incom- 
pleteness of  itself,  points  to  its  fulfilment. — 
Starke  :  Christ  is  the  true  foundation  and  cor- 
ner-stone of  His   church  (Ps.  cxviii.  22 ;    Isa. 


xxviii.  1G  ;  1  Cor.  iii.  11),  in  whom  wo  highly 
rejoioGf  and  on  whose  account  we  have  to  praise 
God.  Experience  of  previous  times  often  gives 
an  impulse  to  correct  judgment ;  sometime^  how- 
ever unbelief  derives  an  evil  example  and  sup- 
port therefrom.  The  inward  joy  of  the  Spirit 
should  suppress  all  temporal  sorrows,  so  that  we 
should  not  hear  the  weeping  for  the  joy. 

[Scott:  Tho  greater  difficulties  and  the  more 
formidable  enemies  we  are  exposed  to,  the  more  we 
need  t  he  friendship  and  assistance  of  God.— In  this 
world  joys  and  sorrows  will  be  blended,  for  it  is  a 
mixed  state;  hereafter  there  will  be  a  complete 
separation. — Henry:  Let  worldly  business  be 
postponed  to  the  business  of  religion  and  it  will 
prosper  the  better. — They  that  do  not  work  them- 
selves may  yet  do  good  service  by  quickening 
and  encouraging  those  that  do  work. — Tit.] 


B.— THE   INTERRUPTION  AND  AN  ORIGINAL   DOCUMENT   RESPECTING   THE   MACHI- 
NATIONS OF  THE  ENEMIES. 

Chapter  IV.  1-24. 
I.    The  Interruption  of  the  Building  of  the  Temple.     Vers.  1-5. 

1  Now  when  the  adversaries  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  heard  that  the  children  of 

2  the  captivity  builded  the  temple  unto  the  Lord  God  of  Israel ;  Then  they  came  to 
Zerubbabel,  and  to  the  chief  of  the  fathers,  and  said  unto  them,  Let  us  build  with 
you :  for  we  seek  your  God,  as  ye  do ;  and  we  do  sacrifice  unto  him  since  the  days 

3  of  Esar-haddou  king  of  Assur,  which  brought  us  up  hither.  But  Zerub^ab?l,  and 
Jeshua,  and  the  rest  of  the  chief  of  the  fathers  of  Israel,  said  unto  them,  Ye  have 
nothing  to  do  with  us  to  build  a  house  unto  our  God  ;  but  we  ourselves  together 
will  build  unto  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  as  king  Cyrus  the  king  of  Persia  hath  com- 

4  nianded  us.     Then  the  people  of  the  land  weakened  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Ju- 

5  dah,  and  troubled  them  in  building,  And  hired  counsellors  against  them,  to  frus- 
trate their  purpose,  all  the  days  of  Cyrus  king  of  Persia,  even  until  the  reign  of 
Darius  king  of  Persia. 


II.  An  Original  Document  respecting  the  Hostile  Machinations.     Vers.  G— 24. 

6  And  in  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  wrote  they  unto  him 

7  an  accusation  against  the  inhabitants  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem.  And  in  thu  days 
of  Artaxerxes  wrote  Bishlam,  Mithredath,  Tabeel,  and  the  rest  of  their  companions, 
unto  Artaxerxes  king  of  Persia  ;  and  the  writing  of  the  letter  was  written  in  the 

8  Syrian  tongue,  and  interpreted  in  the  Syrian  tongue.  Rehum  the  chancellor  and 
Shimshai  the  scribe  wrote  a  letter  against  Jerusalem  to  Artaxerxes  the  king  in  this 

9  sort :  Then  wrote  Rehum  the  chancellor,  and  Shimshai  the  s?ribe,  and  the  rest  of 
their  companions ;  the  Dinaites,  the  Apharsathchites,  the  Tarpelites,  the  Aphar- 
sites,  the  Archevites,  the  Babylonians,  the  Susanchites,  the  Dehavtes,  and  the 

10  Elamites,  And  the  rest  of  the  nations  whom  the  great  and  noble  Asnapper  brought 
over,  and  set  in  the  citks  of  Samaria,  and  the  rest  that  are  on  this  side  the  river. 

11  and  at  such  a  time.     This  is  the  copy  of  the  letter  that  they  sent  unto  him,  even 
unto  Artaxerxes  the  kiDg  ;  Thy  servants  the  men  on  this  side  the  river,  and  at  such 

12  a  time.     Be  it  known  unto  the  king,  that  the  Jews  which  came  up  from   thee  to  us 
are  come  unto  Jerusalem,  building  the  rebellious  and  the  bad  city,  and  have  set  up 


ii 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


13  the  walls  (hereof,  and  joined  the  foundations.  Be  it  known  now  unto  the  king,  that 
if  this  city  be  builded,  and  the  walls   set   up   again,   then    will  they  not  pay  toll, 

1 1  tribute,  and  custom,  and  so  thou  shalt  endamage  the  revenue  of  the  kings.  Now 
because  we  have  maintenance  from  the  king's  palace,  and  it  was  not  meet  for  us  to 

15  see  the  king's  dishonour,  therefore  have  we  sent  and  certified  the  king  ;  That  search 
may  be  made  in  the  book  of  the  records  of  thy  fathers  :  so  shalt  thou  find  in  the 
book  of  the  records,  and  know  that  this  city  is  a  rebellious  city,  a*:d  hurtful  unto 
king3  and  provinces,  and  that  they  have  moved  sedition  within  the  same  of  old 

16  time:  for  which  cause  was  this  city  destroyed.  We  certify  the  king  that,  if  this 
city  be  builded  again,  and  the  walls  thereof  set  up,  by  this  means  thou  shalt  have 

17  no  portion  on  this  side  the  river.  Then  sent  the  king  an  answer  unto  Rehum  the 
chancellor,  and  to  Shimshai  the  scribe,  and  to  the  rest  of  their  companions  that 
dwell  in  Samaria,  and  unto  the  rest  beyond  the  river,  Peace,  and  at  such  a  time. 

18,19  The  letter  which  ye  sent  unto  us  hath  been  plainly  read  before  me.  Audi 
commanded,  and  search  hath  been  made,  and  it  is  found  that  this  city  of  old  time 
hath  made  insurrection  against  kings,  and  that  rebellion  and  sedition  have  been ' 

20  made  therein.  There  have  been  mighty  kings  also  over  Jerusalem,  which  have 
ruled  over  all  countries  beyond  the  river  ;  and  toll,  tribute,  and  custom  was  paid 

21  unto  them.     Give  ye  now  commandment  to  cause  these  men  to  cease,  and  that  this 

22  city  be  not  builded,  until  another  commandment  shall  be  given  from  me.  Take 
heed  now  that  ye  fail  not  to  do  this  :  why  should  damage  grow  to  the  hurt  of  the 

23  kings?  Now  when  the  copy  of  king  Artaxerxes'  letter  was  read  before  Rehum, 
and  Shimshai  the  scribe,  and  their  companions,  they  went  up  in  haste  to  Jerusalem 

21  unto  the  Jews,  and  made  them  to  cease  by  force  and  power.  Then  ceased  the  work 
of  the  house  of  God  which  is  at  Jerusalem.  So  it  ceased  unto  the  second  year  of 
the  reign  of  Darius  king  of  Persia. 


EXEGETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-5.  The  interruption.  Vers.  1-3  first 
give  iU  occasion.  When  the  enemies  of  Judah 
and  Benjamin  heard  of  the  undertaking  in  Jeru- 
salem, they  wished  to  unite  with  them  in  build- 
ing. They  are  called  the  adversaries,  not  of 
the  cbildren  of  the  captivity,  but  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin,  because  their  opposition  and  hos- 
tility had  arisen  already  in  pre-exile  times,  and 
indeed  against  the  southern  kingdom,  which  was 
then  most  suitably  called  that  of  Judah  and  Ben- 
jamin, rnun  "J3 — children  or  members  of  the 
captivity,  is  the  name  given  to  the  returned  ex- 
iles in  chap.  vi.  19  sq.  ;  viii.   35;   x.   7,   16,  etc. ; 

so  also  briefly  H/UH — e.  g.,  chap.  i.  11.  In  or- 
der to  establish  their  claim  they  maintain:  We 
seek  your  God  as  ye  (do). — 'd~\7  with  7  or 
7*5,  also  with  the  simple  accusative,  is  the  con- 
stant expression  for  our  somewhat  colorless  ex- 
pression worship  God  ;  properly  it  is  to  turn  to 
God  with  petition  or  questions,  or  with  desires 
in  general,  to  apply  to  Him. — And  sacrifice 
unto  him  since  the  days  of  Esarhaddon. 
etc. — The  Kethib:  "we  do  not  offer"  cannot  well 
mean  :  we  do  not  offer  to  other  gods,  for  then  it 
would  be  necessary  to  mention  expressly  these 
other  gods.  If  it  were  original  to  the  text  it 
might  perhaps  simply  have  the  sense  we  did  not 
offer  at  all,  not  even  to  Jehovah,  since  we  well 
knew  that  Jehovah  would  accept  offering  only  at 
the  one  legitimate  place  of  worship  at  Jerusalem. 
Then  it  would  involvo  the  meaning  that  they 
would  gladly  sacrifice  to  Jehovah,  and  on  this 


very  account  desired  to  take  part  in  building  tho 
temple  at  Jerusalem.  But  this  view  is  opposed 
by  the  fact  that  they  then  would  without  doubt 
have  too  openly  and  boldly  gone  in  the  face  of 
all  truth,  since  they  certainly  had  very  many 
altars  and  sacrificed  often  enough.  Moreover  the 
emphatic  position  of  'JH3X  does  not  accord  with 
this  view;  besides,  in  such  a  case  we  would  ex- 
pect the  perf.  'JHDf  instead  of  the  part.  D'tlDt. 
It  is  very  probable  that  X7  here,  as  in  fifteen 
other  passages  (comp.  e.  g,  Ex.  xxi.  8 ;   1  Sam.  ii. 

3;  2  Sam.  xvi.  18;  2  Kings  viii.  10)  is  for  ft, 
in  consequence  of  a  mistake,  or  of  design,  in  that 
they  would  state  that  their  sacrifices  did  not  pro- 
perly deserve  the  name  of  sacrifices,  as  then  17 
likewise  is  found  in  Qjri,  and  is  read  by  Esdras 
(aiiTtf)),  by  Sept.,  Syriac,  and  also  indeed  by  the 
Vulg.,  which  at  least  does  not  have  the  nega- 
tive. Since  the  speakers  designate  themselves 
as  those  whom  Esar-haddou  had  brought  into 
their  present  abode  (comp.  Biihr  on  2  Kings  xiv. 
37),  we  have  to  identify  them  beyond  question 
with  those  colonists  referred  to  in  2  Kings  xvii., 
with  the  Samaritans  so-called,  whom  the  king 
of  Assyria,  2  Kings  xvii.  24,  had  brought  up  out 
of  Babylon,  Cutha,  and  other  eastern  countries, 
into  the  ciiies  of  Samaria.  These  colonists,  when 
they  first  settled  in  Canaan,  it  is  true,  did  not 
fear  Jehovah  ;  it  was  not  till  a  considerable  later 
period  that  they  asked  for  an  Israelite  priest  out 
of  Assyria,  in  order  to  be  instructed  by  him  in 
tho  worship  of  Jehovah;  but  the  words:  since 
the  days  when  Esar-haddon  brought  us  up,  are 
either  a  somewhat  inexact  statement,  or  aro  to 
be  explained  from  their  efforts  to  date  their  wor- 


CHAP.  IV.  1-24. 


ship  of  Jehovah  as  far  back  as  possible.  Kuo- 
bcl  (/Cur  Otschic/lle  der  Samarilaner,  Denktehr.  il  r 
OaeUieh,  fur  Wistensch.  and  Kuiust  in  Gicssen,  I. 
1,  .->.  117  sqq.),  on  account  of  these  words,  impro- 
perly holds  them  for  those  who  had  emigrated 
from  Assyria  with  the  Israelite  priests.  It  is  clear 
from  our  passage  that  the  colonization  spoken  of 
in  2  Kings  xvii  ,  if  it  perhaps  had  already  begun 
under  Sargon  and  Sennacherib,  yet  chiefly  took 
place  under  Esar-haddon.  With  this  agree  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions,  in  accordance  with  which 
Esar-haddon  had  despoiled,  not  expressly,  it  is 
(rue,  the  land  of  the  ten  tribes,  hut  yet  Syria  and 
Phoenicia  of  their  ancient  inhabitants,  and  pro- 
vided them  with  new  ones,  comp.  Schrader,  I.  c, 
upon  our  passage.*  The  occasion  of  this  request 
of  the  Samaritans,  was  the  correct  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  those  who  should  have  the  tem- 
ple at  Jerusalem,  would  be  regarded  as  the  lead- 
ing nation,  whilst  those  who  should  be  excluded 
from  this  central  point  of  the  worship  of  the 
land  would  appear  as  less  authorized,  as  intru- 
sive; they  likewise  no  doubt  expected,  if  they 
were  admitted  to  participation  in  the  building 
of  the  temple,  as  well  as  to  consultation  with 
reference  to  it,  to  gain  thereby  influence  in 
shaping  the  affairs  of  the  congregation  iu  gene- 
ral. If  in  addition  to  this  they  had  also  a  reli- 
gious interest  in  the  matter,  it  was  only  in  order 
to  seoure  for  themselves  the  favor  of  t lie  God  of 
the  laud,  whom  they  recognised  as  Jehovah,  and 
then  therewith  aho  the  same  possessions  and 
blessings  in  their  new  home  as  the  Jews  designed 
for  themselves.  We  cannot  regard  them  as  actu- 
ated by  any  higher  and  purer  motive, — for  their 
entire  subsequent  behaviour,  which  makes  them 
appear  as  quite  indifferent  to  religious  affairs,  and 
also  that  which  we  elsewhere  learn  of  their  reli- 
gion, is  opposed  to  that  view.  That  which  is 
said  in  2  Kings  xvii.  on  this  subject  cannot  be 
understood  (as  Baur  on  that  chap.)  as  staling 
that  they  only  in  part  retained  their  heathen 
go  Is,  that  many  had  already  worshipped  Jehovah 
only,  that  these  latter  had  worshipped  Him,  if 
indeed  in  the  forn  of  a  bull,  yet,  as  the  only 
God.  There  is  no  distinction  between  the  differ- 
ent classes;  for  ver.  33  is  not,  as  Biibr  translates, 
"there  were  afso  worshippers  of  Jehovah," — but 
it  is  said  of  all ;  they  feared  Jehovah,  and  served 
their  own  gods,  and  of  all  it  is  then  likewise  said 
in  ver.  31:  "they  feared  not  Jehovah;"  they 
prayed  to  Jehovah  only  as  one  of  many,  only  as 
a  limited  being,  only  as  an  idol,  not  as  the  only 
true  God.  It  is  true  the  question  then  arises 
whether  this  syncretistic  stand-point  that  in  no 
respect  can  be  regarded  as  even  an  approxima- 
tive worship  of  Jehovah,  that  in  truth  was  only 
ordinary  heathenism,   was    still    maintained  by 


*  [Also  Smith,  the  Asfttfrian  Canon,  p.  138,  and  Rawlin- 
bod  in  lorn,  who  says:  ''There  appear  to  have  been  at 
least  three  colonizations  of  Samaria  by  tin-  Assyrian 
kings.  Sargon,  soon  after  his  conquest,  replaced  the 
captives  whom  he  had  carried  otf  by  colonists  from  Ba- 
bylonia and  from  Hamath  (2  Kings  xvii.  24).  Later  in 
his  reign  he  a  1,1  -d  to  these  first  settlers  an  Arabian  ele- 
ment {Ancient  AfbnarcAtes,  II..  p. 416).  Some  thirty  or 
forty  years  afterwards,  Esar-haddon,  his  grandson, 
largely  augmented  the  population  of  colonists  drawn 
from  various  parts  of  the  empire,  but  especially  from 
the  southeast,  Stisiana,  Elymais.  and  Persia.  Thas  the 
later  Samaritans  were  an" exceedingly  mixed  race.11 — 
Ta.l 


them  in  the  times  subsequent  to  the  exile,  whe- 
ther they  had  not  made  an  advance  in  religion 
beyond  it.  The  question  is,  how  the  remnant 
of  the  ten  tribes,  who  had  maintained  themselves 
in  their  habitations  in  the  midst  of  the  colonists, 
especially  according  to  Jer.  xli.  4  sq.  ;  and  2 
Chron.  xxxiv.  9,  IU  (comp.  Bahr  on  2  Kings 
xvii.,  S.  401,  and  Niigelsbach  on  Jer.  xli.  4sq.}, 
acted  both  with  reference  to  these  colonists  iu 
geueral,  and  to  the  claim  here  made  by  them. 
But  if  the  long  prevailing  opinion  were  correct 
that  the  Samaritans  for  the  most  part  consisted 
of  the  Israelites  who  remained  iu  the  land  at  the 
exile,  so  that  they  might  he  regarded  as  an  actual 
continuation  of  the  people  of  the  ten  tribes,  and 
the  heathen  elements  among  them  had  become 
more  and  more  conformed  to  the  Israelites,  we 
cannot  conceive  why  they  did  not  maintain  al- 
ready now  this  their  external  and  internal  con- 
nection with  Israel  as  well  as  on  later  occasions 
when  it  suited  them  so  to  do.  That  would  have  been 
the  strongest  reason  that  could  have  influenced 
the  Jews  to  admit  their  claim.  For  great  and 
respected  predecessors,  as  Hezekiah,  2  Chron. 
xxx.;  and  Josiah,  2  Chron.  xxxiv.  56,  had  ex- 
pressly occupied  themselves  iu  attracting  the 
remnants  of  Israel  to  the  worship  of  Jehovah  at 
Jerusalem.  At  first  the  remnant  may  have  kept 
themselves  concealed  from  the  new  comers  and 
the  masters  of  the  land,  by  contenting  themselves 
with  the  more  distant  regions  and  lurking- 
places  of  the  mountains.  They  certainly  consti- 
tuted merely  despised  and  scattered  bands,  which 
neither  sought  nor  offered  any  communication, 
whom  therefore  the  colonists  could  not  trust. 
Otherwise  they  would  not  have  had  a  priest 
sent  to  them  from  Assyria,  when  they  wished  to 
worship  Jehovah  as  the  god  of  the  land,  comp. 
2  Kings  xvii.  2.  Very  soon,  it  is  true,  many  of 
them  approached  the  colonists,  and  mixed  with 
them  by  marriage;  but  instead  of  exerting  any 
influence  in  shaping  them,  they  rather  subordi- 
nated themselves — of  themselves  having  quite  a 
strong  inclination  to  heathenism — to  the  colonists 
us  t  lie  more  powerful  and  more  favored  on  the  part 
of  the  government  and  united  with  them  in  their 
manners  and  customs,  and  also  in  their  religion, 
so  that  they  more  and  more  disappeared  among 
them.  This  is  very  clear  partly  from  the  way  in 
which  the  Samaritans  here  speak  of  themselves, 
partly  from  their  subsequent  actions,  in  that 
they  in  contrast  to  the  Jews  still  preferred  to  be 
the  representatives  of  the  royal  prerogatives  of 
Persia,  and  designate  themselves  after  their  As- 
syrian places  of  origin  (comp.  ver.  7  sq.),  but 
give  not  the  slightest  hint  of  a  connection  with 
the  ancient  Israelites,  or  of  having  been  iu  any 
way  modified  by  them.*  Therefore  it  is  impro- 
bable that  they  shou'd  have  been  influenced  by 
these  latter  in  making  their  claim  upon  the  new 
congregation,  as  Berth,  and  after  him  Keil  sup- 
poses. If  they  subsequently  more  and  more  deci- 
dedly went  over  to  monotheism  and  the  observa- 

*  It  was  not  until  very  late  that  their  historians  in- 
vented a  return  of  three  hundred  thousand  men  from 
th<-  Assyrian  banishment,  and  a  new  establishment  of 
ancient*  Israel  iu  the  midst  of  the  laud  by  this  great 
band,  and  especially  on  Mt.  Gerizim.  (Comp*.  Ahull' 
Arnh.  Chromic  in  Paulus'  MemorabUien.  II..  s.  54-10/1. 
and  in  the  Samaritan  hook  of  Joshua,  published  at  Ley- 
den,  in  1818.     Fid.  Ewald  IV.,  S.  125.) 


4(3 


THE  COOK  OF  EZRA. 


tion  of  the  Mosaic  law,  they  were  moved  thereto, 
not  by  the  remnants  of  Israel,  which  had  blended 
witli  them,  but  by  the  Jews  themselves.  They 
would  not  remain  behind  the  new  congregation 
in  Jerusalem,  for  they  could  not  conceal  from 
themselves  on  reflection  that  the  stand-point  of 
the  religion  of  Jehovah,  as  it  was  represented  in 
Jerusalem,  was  higher  than  their  own.  And  it 
was  for  this  reason  that  they  then  accepted  the 
first  Manasseh,  and  under  his  direction  built 
the  temple  on  Gerizim,  by  which  circumstance 
the  transformation  was  as  a  matter  of  course  still 
further  favored.  Besides  this  there  was  the  en- 
tire tendency  of  those  times  that  was  decidedly 
towards  a  higher  and  more  spiritual  worship  of 
God.  Moreover,  in  addition  to  such  fragments 
of  Israel  as  were  lost  among  the  Samaritans, 
others  still  were  left  in  the  land  who  sought  to 
preserve  their  independence.  It  is  probable 
that  these,  who  were  of  themselves  more  devoted 
to  the  religion  of  Jehovah,  let  themselves  be  di- 
rected by  the  judgments  that  passed  over  their 
kingdom,  and  the  contrast  that  was  exhibited 
between  themselves  and  the  colonists,  still  more 
decidedly  to  Jerusalem  and  the  worship  there 
conducted.  In  favor  of  this  view  is  the  fact  that 
some  of  them  already  in  the  time  of  Josiah 
contributed  to  the  restoration  of  the  temple  in 
Jerusalem  (2  Chron.  xxxiv.  9,  10),  and  that 
still  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple  eighty 
men  of  Shechem,  Shiloh,  and  Samaria  came 
in  mourning  to  bring  their  gifts  to  the  place 
where  up  to  this  time  they  had  worshipped, 
Jor.  xli.  5,  6.  In  accordance  with  some  other 
evidence,  there  were  still  at  the  time  such  better 
elements  in  the  northern  region  of  the  land. 
Among  those  who  had  separated  themselves 
from  the  impurities  of  the  nations  to  unite  with 
the  returned  exiles  in  seeking  Jehovah  (ch.  vi.  21) 
belonged  probably  at  least  remnants  of  Israel 
as  well  as  of  Judah.  And  this  sheds  light  upon 
the  obscure  question,  how  we  are  to  account  for 
the  origin  of  the  Jewish  population  in  Galilee. 
Bertheau  properly  remarks  with  reference  to 
such  better  elements:  "They  are  the  ancestors 
of  a  great  part  of  the  Jews  whom  we  meet  in 
subsequent  times  iu  northern  Palestine."  There 
in  northern  Palestine  they  had  not  been  dis- 
lodged by  the  colonists,  who  occupied  the  cities 
of  Samaria.  There,  as  to  their  old  ancestral 
abodes,  and  to  their  kindred,  must  those  return 
who  now  and  subsequently  gradually  returned 
from  any  of  the  ten  tribes.  It  is  possible,  in- 
deed, that  this  better  remnant  of  the  northern 
kingdom  soon  still  more  decidedly  than  the 
Samaritans  directed  their  attention  to  the  tem- 
ple at  Jerusalem.  But  perhaps  they  had  not 
yet  concluded  what  relation  they  should  assume 
to  the  congregation  at  Jerusalem ;  wc  may  sup- 
pose that  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  impulse 
that  went  forth  from  Jerusalem  for  them  cer- 
tainly much  more  than  for  the  Samaritans,  that 
they  reflected  more  deeply  upon  themselves,  and 
finally  attached  themselves  to  the  worship  at 
Jerusalem. 

Ver.  3.  The  Jews  refused  the  Samaritans. 
The  sing.  "lOtd  is  used  not  only  because  the 
number  of  the  verb  is  freer  when  it  precedes 
the    subject,    but  because    Zerubbabel    was    the 


chief  person  who  gave  the  answer;  c.  g.  Zerub- 
babel spake  in  agreement  with  Jeshua,  etc. 
Jeshua  and  the  heads  of  the   fathers   of  Israel 

had  united  in  the  answer.     7JOJP'   is  used   with 
-t:  • 

7,  and  accordingly  is  not  the  slat.  abs.  of  the  fore- 
going  nf3Xi"l,  for  otherwise  this  would  not  have  the 
article,  according  to  the  usual  combination  with 
'BftO. — Ye  have  nothing  to  do  with  us  to 
build,  that  is,  it  is  uot  for  you  and  us  in  common  ; 
couip.  the  expression  "  what  is  to  me  and  thee," 
namely,  in  common,  Jos.  xx.  24;  Judges  xi.  12; 
2  Kings  iii.  13.  In  that  they  say  :  house — not 
unto  God,  as  chap.  i.  4,  but  unto  our  God,  they 
mean  that  Jehovah  belongs  to  them  more  than 
to  the  Samaritans,  yea,  to  them  alone. — But 
we  ourselves  together=we  as  a  compact 
unity,  excluding  others.  They  might  appeal  to 
the  decree  of  Cyrus  in  this  refusal,  since  if  they 
were  obliged  to  admit  the  Samaritans,  they 
would  not  have  gained,  according  to  their  feel- 
ings and  knowledge,  that  which  they  had  the 
right  to  expect  from  it,  namely,  an  undisturbed 
worship  of  Jehovah  in  all  its  t.uth,  free  from  all 
dangers.  It  is  true  it  could  not  escape  the  con- 
gregation, that  it  was  a  very  serious  matter  to 
make  those  their  enemies  who  had  probably 
connections,  consideration  and  influence  at  the 
seat  of  government,  and  who  naturally  regarded 
themselves  as  the  outposts  and  guardians  of  the 
sovereignty  of  Persia  in  Canaan.  But  never- 
theless the  dangers  to  which  they  would  have 
exposed  themselves  by  a  union  with  these  Sa- 
maritans who  appeared  so  objectionable,  espe- 
cially in  a  religious  point  of  view,  would  have 
been  fur  greater,  and  they  should  not  be 
charged  with  too  great  anxiety,  or  one  that 
cannot  be  entirely  approved  (against  Ewald, 
Gesch.  IV.,  S.  125,  135).  Those  who  gradually 
imitated  them  when  they  kept  themselves  pure 
from  their  mixed  religion,  and  through  them 
were  impelled  to  a  monotheistic  development, 
would,  if  they  had  gained  an  influence  and 
rightful  position  in  Jerusalem  from  the  begin- 
ning, have  involved  them  in  their  heathen  doubt 
and  obscurity.  Their  renunciation  of  the  exter- 
nal advantages  which  were  set  before  them  by 
the  proffered  alliance  was  the  result,  on  the  one 
side,  of  a  correct  appreciation  of  that  which 
they  must  regard  as  of  the  most  importance, 
and  on  the  other  side  of  a  candid  and  humble 
recognition  of  their  weakness.  As  a  matter  of 
course  they  were  obliged  to  take  an  entirely 
different  course  with  reference  to  the  remnants 
of  the  northern  kingdom,  when  these  in  another 
way  began  to  seek  Jehovah  again  in  sincerity, 
and  on  this  account  desired  to  be  admitted  into 
Jerusalem  That  they  did  not  fail  in  this  par- 
ticular we  see  in  the  circumstanoe  that  the  Gali- 
lean ever  had  an  undisputed  admission. 

Vers.  4,  5.  The  consequence  of  this  refusal 
was  the  interruption  of  the  building  of  the  tem- 
ple. The  Samaritans  are  called  the  people  of 
the  lnml  in  ver.  4  because  they,  at  least  until 
this  time  had  been  the  proper  inhabitants  of  the 
land,  and  at  all  events  constituted  the  chief  part 
of  the  population.  As  such  they  were  strong 
enough  to  slacken  the  hands  of  the  people  of 
Judah,  that  is,  the  people  now  inhabiting  Judah. 


CI1A1\   IV.   1-24. 


47 


iTWr,  already  in  pre-exile  times  ilie  name  of 
the  southern  kingdom  is  used  here  also  as  the 
name  of  the  country  (conip.  ver.  0).  rvn  with 
the  part,  (slackening  and  affrighting)  expresses 
the  continuance  of  the  actiou ;  the  secouJ  parti- 
ciple is  explanatory  of  the  first,  n'lJ27  D'itJMi 
affrighting  with  reference  to  building=from 
building.  The  Kethib  DTlS^O  is  Buffioiently 
established  by  the  noun  nn"?5  (Isa.  xvii.  14) 
and  by  the  Syriac:  the  Qcri,  D'7H??>  prefers  the 
usual  form  7713. — Without  doubt  they  threat- 
ened the  Jews  with  violence,  and  with  punishment 
on  the  part  of  the  government,  as  soon  as  they 
had  frustrated  the  edict  of  Cyrus. — They  hired 
counsellors  against  them — for  a  cancelling 
of  the  edict  according  to  ver.  5,  in  that  they 
were  able  to  influence  probably  the  ministers  to 
whom  chap.  vii.  28  and  viii.  25  refer,  or  other 
influential  persons,  to  give  advice  to  Cyrus  un- 
favorable to  the  Jews.  At  court  they  naturally 
did  not  understand  how  it  could  be  that  those 
who  were  as  much  the  inhabitants  of  the  land 
as  the  returned  exiles,  and  therefore  seemed 
entitled  to  the  God  of  the  land,  should  be  ex- 
cluded. If  Cyrus  had  seen  in  Jehovah  his  own 
supreme  God,  it  must  have  been  all  the  more  an- 
noying to  him  that  those  who  apparently  had  the 
best  intentions  of  worshipping  Him.  should  be 
rejected.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  reason  why 
the  Jews  opposed  the  union  could  only  bo  a  na- 
tional and  political  one,  and  the  suspicion  was 
quite  natural,  that  they  already  designed  to  form 
not  merely  a  religious  community,  but  also  had 
national  and  political  designs,  that,  they  thus  gave 
an  entirely  false  interpretation  to  the   decree  of 

Cyrus.  The  part.  D'^pS  is  in  continuation  of 
the  part,  of  the  previous  verse;  "03  is  a  later 
form  of  "OE7.  The  time  during  which  they  suc- 
ceeded in  frustrating  the  purposes  of  the  Jews, 
(for  which  "^n  is  to  a  certain  extext  the  term, 
techn.),  consisted  of  about  fourteen  years — from 
about  the  third  year  of  Cyrus  in  Babylon  (comp. 
Dan.  x.  2  sq. )  until  the  second  of  Darius,  comp. 
Hag.  i.  1. 

Vers.  6-22  contains  the  original  document  re- 
specting the  hostile  efforts  of  the  Samaritans. 
The  author  adds  what  the  Samaritans  did  and 
accomplished  in  the  time  of  Ahasuerus  and  Ar- 
taxerxes,  and  the  question  arises  first  of  all,  what 
kings  were  meant  under  these  names  ?:^  Most 
ancient  and  modern  interpreters,  (comp.  J.  II. 
Michaelis,  in  loco.)  had  supposed  that  the  au- 
thor from  ver.  0  onward  would  explain  why  the 
building  of  the  temple  was  discontinued  for  so 
long  a  time,  as  stated  in  ver.  5.  that  he  then  en- 
tered into  the  period  between  Cyrus  and  Darius. 
They  were  led  to  this  opinion  by  ver.  24,  which 
leads  over  to  Darius,  and  what  happened  under 
him,  in  such  a  manner  that  it  seems  certainly,  at 

*  Kleinert  already  in  the  Beitragen  der  Dorp    j 
toren  Thcol.,  1S32.  Bd.  1,  had  to  a  certain  extent   | 
to  the  correct  opinion,  which  has  been  comm." 
cognized,  as  in  mv  article  "  Ci/rue  der  Gr\ 
Kni.  1  53,  8.  624  sqq.;  by  Baihinger.  Stud.  u.  KriU  1857, 
S-B7sqq.;  hy  Hengst.,  ChristotogieIl.,S.H3;  by  Berth, 
and  Keil  in  their  Commentaries,  ct  al.. 


first,  as  if  the  kings  mentioned  hero  in  vers.  <i 
and  7  had  ruled  before  him.  Luther,  from  this 
point  of  view,  united  this  Cth  verse  by  "for"  to 
the  previous  verse,  instead  of  by  the  conjunction 
"and,"  and  some,  as  Ilartmann  in  the  CUron. 
lulil  ,  have  appealed  to  this  "  for  "  as  if  it  stood 
in  the  original  text.  Ahasuerus  must,  accord- 
ingly, have  been  Cambyses,  Artaxerxes,  Pseudo- 
Sraerdis  (so  still  Eivald,  Gcsch.  IV.,  S.  137,  and 
Kohler  in  Komm.  zu.  den.  nachexil.  Proph.*). 
But  the  strongest  objections  at  once  arise  against 
this  view,  How  is  it  that  these  two  kings  should 
have  names  given  them  that  they  bear  no  where 
else  ?  How  can  we  suppose  that  whilst  all  other 
Assyrian,  Chaldean,  and  Persian  kings  bear  es- 
sentially the  same  names  among  the  Israelites 
with  which  they  elsewhere  appear,  these  two 
kings  on  one  occasion  should  have  had  entirely 
different  names  among  the  Jews  from  those 
among  their  own  people  ;  for  among  the  Persians 
Cambyses,  so  far  as  we  know,  only  bore  the  name 
of  Cambyses  (old  Pers:an  Kamljud/clija),  Smerdis 
however,  after  whom  the  Ps.  Smerdisnamed  him- 
self, had  only  that  of  Tanyoxares  or  Tanyoxarkes 
iCi/rop.  VIII.  7,  and  Ctesias,  I'm.  fr.  8-13),  or 
also  Orapastes  (Justin.  Hilt.  I.  0),  which  name 
cannot  be  identified  with  N/lu/^nrnx.  This 
supposition  is  still  less  admissible,  in  that  both 
these  names  every  where  else  iu  the  Old  Test. 
designate  other  kings,  and  the  same  as  those  who 
had  the  corresponding  names  among  the  Per- 
sians. Ahasuerus,  in  the  book  of  Esther,  as  is 
now  generally  recognized,  is  Xerxes;  in  Dan.  ix. 
1,  the  Median  king  Cyaxares.  These  two  Greek 
terms,  Xerxes  and  Cyaxares,  may  be  readily  de- 
rived from  the  Persian  fundamental  forms  of 
these  names,  which  we  find  in  the  cuneiform  in- 
scriptions, Klisay  or  Khsay-arsa,  by  modification 
of  vowels.  So  also  the  Hebrew  term  DlllU/ns. 
However  NFDkJTIjTlN  is  in  Ezra  vii.  and  viii. 
and  so  also  in  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  without 
question,  Artaxerxes  (Machrochir).  Itistruethat 
it  is  there  written  xrOiynrnN  (with  DE?},  in  our 
passage,  however,  NHOTnmn  (with  Wd) ;  but 
a  different  person  cannot  be  inferred  from  this 
difference  in  writing.  This  is  clear  from  vi.  14, 
where  the  name  is  written  as  it  is  here,  and  yet 
must  be  referred  to  a  Persian  king  ruling  subse- 
quently to  Darius — certainly,  therefore,  to  Ar- 
taxerxes Machrochir.  In  connection  with  these 
names  that  are  used  in  our  section,  some  other 
marks  beside  which  point  beyond  Darius,  gain 
importance.  If  the  sixth  verse  really  came  as  is 
supposed  to  speak  explanatory  of  the  previous 
interval  of  time,  it  would  at  least  have  been  more 
natural  to  connect  with  the  conjunct,  "for,"  as 
indeed  Luther,  without  reason,  has  supplied  it, 
rather  than  by  "and."  At  the  outset  it  is  im- 
probable that  Pseudo-Smerdis  should  have  had 
time  during  his  brief  reign  (only  seven  months) 
to  reply  to  his  officers  in  the  manner  narrated  in 
vers.  7-23;  namely,  after  an  accurate  investiga- 
tion with  reference  to  the  previous  conduct  of 
the  Jews.  In  the  letter  of  the  Samaritans,  or 
rather  of  the  Persian  officers  among  them,  to  the 
king,  it  no  longer  has  to  do  with  the  building 

*  [So  also  Rawlinson  in  loro.  who  refers  to  the  "  well- 
known  fact  of  history,"  that  Persian  kings  had  often 
two  names. — Tb.] 


48 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


of  the  temple,  but  only  with  that  of  the  city  and 
its  walla,  which  is  all  the  more  remarkable,  as  iu 
the  letter  to  Darius  in  chap.  v.  6sq.  the  temple 
throughout  is  in  the  foreground  Furthermore 
Bertheau  properly  reminds  us  in  notes  on  ver. 
4  that  if  the  transaction  with  these  kings  had 
already  previously  transpired,  the  questiou  of 
the  Persian  officers  in  the  time  of  Darius,  who 
had  given  the  Jews  commandment  to  bjild  the 
house  of  God,  would  not  have  been  very  appro- 
priate. Moreover  the  Jews  would  have  spoken 
of  the  steps  of  the  Samaritans  and  the  prohibition 
of  Hn^EfrUTW!  when  it  must  have  been  obliga- 
tory upon  them  to  explain  to  the  Persian  officers 
in  chap.  v.  16  why  the  building  already  begun 
under  Cyrus  had  not  been  completed.  By  all 
these  circumstances  we  are  compelled  to  under- 
stand by  iymBTIX  really  Xerxes,  and  by 
NniyBTirON  really  Artaxerxes,  and  to  refer  our 
section  accordingly  to  the  period  subsequent  to 
Darius.  If  it  is  objected  to  this  view  that  the 
answer  of  NndiTimX  does  not  accord  with  the 
sending  of  Ezra  under  Artaxerxes  in  chap,  vii.; 
so  far  as  the  one  was  unfavorable  to  the  Jews  and 
the  other  favorable,  the  fact  is  overlooked  that  in 
his  answer  (ver.  21)  the  king  expressly  reserves 
another  comman  1,  which  possibly  would  ordain 
the  building  of  the  city  and  its  walls.  When, 
however,  Ewald  (Gesch.  IV.  S.  138)  asserts  that 
in  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  no  intelligent  person 
could  any  longer  speak  thus  of  the  building  of 
the  city  and  its  walls,  as  is  the  case  in  the  letter 
of  the  Samaritans,  the  book  of  Nehemiah  shows 
how  very  necessary  it  still  was  that  the  city 
should  be  built  up,  and  the  walls  re-established 
even  after  Ezra.  That  which  really  appears  to 
be  against  the  view  here  advocated,  is  the  man- 
ner in  which  ver.  24  passes  over  from  this  king 
to  Darius.  By  the  use  of  one  and  the  same  verb 
in  ver.  21  (give  ye  now  commandment  to  cause 
these  men  to  cease),  in  ver.  23  (they  went  up  to 
Jerusalem  and  made  them  cease)  and  in  ver.  24 
(then  ceased  the  work)  and  apparently  also  by 
the  use  of  r_"1X3  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  24,  the 
twenty-fourth  verse  is  so  closely  united  to  the 
previous  context,  that  it  iu  fact  se^ms  to  contain 
the  result  of  that  which  immediately  precedes. 
Hence  then  Herzfeld  also  (Gesch.  Israels  I.,  S. 
303)  and  Schrader  (S'ud.  u.  Krit.,  1867,  S.  469) 
have  supposed  that  our  section,  if  it  indeed  ori- 
ginally extended  to  the  time  of  Xerxes  and  Ar- 
taxerxes, must  be  referred  by  the  author  of  our 
book,  notwithstanding  all,  to  Cambyses  and 
Pseudo  Smerdis,  who  placed  it  here  under  an 
error.     But  no  real  necessity  for  such  a  doubtful 

supposition  can  be  found.  The  verb  7H3  might 
be  written  by  the  author  agiin,  in  ver.  24,  after 
that  he  bad  used  it  in  vers.  21-23.  notwithstand- 
ing he  was  here  treating  of  a  previous  time. 
The  temporal  particle  r^X3,  moreover,  which  in 
itself  has  the  indefinite  meaning  of  llillo  tem- 
pore" can  just  as  well  refer  to  the  beginning  as 
to  the  middle  or  the  end  of  the  time  spoken  of 
before.  If  the  twenty-fourth  verse  had  been 
placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  chapter  in- 
stead of  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  chapter,  it  would 
apparently  occasion  us  no  difficulty  at  all  in  giving 
it  its  proper  reference.  Should  it  be  objected 
that  such  an  anticipation   of  later   events  as  the 


view  here  advocated  involves  in  vers.  6-23,  is  in 
itself  improbable,  this  objection  is  removed  to  a 
certain  extent  by  chap.  vi.  14,  from  which  it  re- 
sults that  our  author  was  readily  inclined  to  con- 
nect together  in  the  closest  way  Artaxerxes  and 
his  time  with  Darius  and  the  previous  times.  In 
this  passage,  where  the  elders  of  Judah  in  the 
time  of  Darius  are  spoken  of.  and  where  it  is 
said  of  them,  they  built  and  completed  in  con- 
sequence of  the  prophecies  of  Haggaiand  Zecha- 
riah,  and  on  the  commandment  of  the  God  of  Is- 
rael, and  on  the  commandment  of  Cyrus  and 
Dirius,  the  additional  clause  "and  Artaxerxes" 
is  still  more  singular  than  in  our  passage.  As 
the  author  there  would  embrace  all  who  had  af- 
forded the  congregation  justice,  protection,  and 
help  up  to  the  time  of  Ezra,  so  here  he  might 
have  very  well  had  the  intention  of  at  once  put- 
ting together  summarily  all  the  interruptions  that 
were  occasioned  by  the  Samaritans.  In  as  much 
as  here  the  narrative  was  of  their  operations,  it 
was  really  the  best  place  for  this  purpose.  Be- 
sides, another  reason  probably  co-operated.  The 
author  probably  had  at  his  command  no  other 
document  respecting  the  machinations  of  the 
Samaritans  and  their  success  at  the  court  of  Per- 
sia than  this  one  of  the  time  of  Artaxerxes. 
Since  now,  as  we  have  shown  in  the  introduc- 
tion, it  was  his  method  to  accompany  everything 
as  far  as  possible  with  original  documents,  since 
moreover  besides  it  was  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance to  justify  by  such  a  document  the  beha- 
viour of  the  Jewish  congregation  towards  the 
Samaritans,  which  had  such  great,  severe,  and 
long-lasting  consequences,  he  here  inserted  it, 
after  that  he  had  made  the  transition  through 
ver.  6  to  the  latter  period,  since  the  disposition 
of  the  Samaritans  in  the  somewhat  later  period 
here  meeting  us,  was,  to  acertain  extent,  an  evi- 
dence likewise  of  their  previous  hostility ;  and 
the  disturbinginterference  which  theyoccasioned 
according  to  the  letter  of  Artaxerxes,  was  only 
the  continuation  of  previous  interruptions. 

Ver.  6.  And  in  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  wrote  they  an 
accusation,  etc. — This  shows  the  zeal  of  the  Sa- 
maritans; at  once  and  at  the  very  outset  they 
sought  to  prejudice  this  king  against  the  Jews. 
If  the  time  of  Darius,  which  had  been  favorable 
to  the  Jews,  during  which  the  Samaritans  had 
impatiently  waited  for  a  change  of  affairs,  had 
passed,  this  zeal  can  the  more  readily  be  ex- 
plained. riJQK',  hostility  (comp.  Gen.  xxvi.  21) 
has  here  the  special  meaning  of  accusation,  just  as 
jUty  readily  gains  the  special  meaning  of  accuser. 
Since  the  author  does  not  enter  into  particulars 
with  reference  to  this  writing  of  accusation,  or 
even  say  whether  it  had  any  results  at  all,  it 
seems  here  to  be  mentioned  only  in  order  briefly 
to  show  that  the  Samaritans,  even  in  the  subse- 
quent period,  were  still  active,  anil  in  order  thus 
to  give  a  transition  to  the  following  narrative  as 
the  principal  thing. 

Ver.  7.  And  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes 
■wrote  Bishlam,  etc. — The  Jewish  congregation 
probably  increased  from  the  time  of  the  building 
of  the  temple  onward,  and  under  Artaxerxes 
thought  more  seriously  of  re-establishing  the 
walls  of  the  city,  which   then  likewise  through 


CHAP.   IV.   1-21. 


49 


Nebetniah  actually  took  place.  Bislam,  Mitliro- 
dath,  Tabeel,  etc.,  accordingly  went  to  work  anew 
against  them.  These  names  certainly  indicate 
Suuiaritaus  who,  without  being  Persian  officials, 
enjoyed  just  as  Sanballat  subsequently,  a  certain 
degree  of  consequence.  The  pure  Persian  name 
Mithredath  need  not  astonish  us,  Bince  even  Ze- 
rubbabel  had  a  similar  one  (Sheshbazzar).     We 

should    expect   instead   of   IP'lJS,   for   which   the 
t  t  : ' 

qeri  has  the  usual  form  miJ3,  in  accordance  with 
vers.  9,  17,   23;    chap.  v7'3,   etc.,    DD11J3.     To 

r  tt: 
whom  the  sing,  suffix  properly  refers,  whether 
to  the  first  named  Bislam  or  to  the  last  named 
T.ibeel  is  doubtful,  is  yet  without  any  real  im- 
portance. '"02,  from  which  our  plural  is  to  be 
derived  (comp.  Ewald,  \  187  d)  is  contracted 
from  HUS  as  fP3,  Gen.  xlix.  22  from  ROt  and 
Jlinx  for  nnK  from  fl'TIK  or  fiins  (comp.  Olsh. 

t  tt  -:-  ~:  ~    * 

5198  c).  It  is  not.  found  elsewhere  in  Hebrew,  and 
was  here  without  doubt  chosen  6imply  with  refer- 
ence to  ver.  9;  in  Aramaic  it  is  more  frequent. 
Formed  from  H33  it  designates  those  qui  eodem 
cognomine,  tvot  iitulo  utitur,  sive  eodem  munere  fun- 
gitur,  according  to  Gesen.,  Thes.;  in  the  Pescbito 
it  is  more  frequently  employed  for  oivdovfayc. — 
And  the  rest  of  their  companions. — This  is 
according  to  ver.  9  sq.:  the  others  who  were 
their  companions. — And  the  ■writing  of  the 
letter  was  written  in  Aramaic — 3H3  is  no 

t  : 

more  here  than  in  Esther  iv.  8,  to  be  taken  in 
the  improved  meaning  of  copy,  (against  Berth.) 
as  if  the  author  would  say,  that  only  the  copy 
was  in  Chaldee,  but  the  letter  itself  in  another 
language.  It  means  only  writing,  and  the  sense 
is,  that  the  writers  translated  into  Aramaic  what 
they  had  thought  in  Samaritan  or  any  other  lan- 
guage, and  therefore  also  at  the  same  time  wrote 
down  in  Aramaic,  without  doubt,  for  the  reason 
that  in  Babylon  at  court,  and  among  the  Persiau 
officials  in  anterior  Asia  the  Aramaic  lauguage 
was  the  usual  one,  so  to  say,  the  official  language, 
which  otherwise  would  not  have  been  employed 
in  the  letter  of  authority  given  to  Ezra  in  chap, 
vii.  12  sq.  Tli^CfJ  is  of  Arian  origin,  to  be  com- 
pared with  the  new  Persian  nuwischlen,  to  write, 

and    means    letter.     Comp.  ver.   18.     DJIfO    is 

t  :  *-.  : 
part.  pass,  of  DJ")^,  interpret,  translate  into  an- 
other language. 

Ver.  8.  Rehum  the  chancellor  and  Shim- 
shai  the  scribe,  wrote  a  letter  in  this  sort. 
— Although  other  authors  of  a  letter  are  adduced 
here,  yet  it  is  impossible  that  another  third  letter 
should  be  introduced  (against  Berth.)  ;  for  1)  it 
is  inconceivable  that  the  author  should  have  left 
the  contents  of  the  letter  referred  to  in  ver.  7  so 
entirely  undetermined.  The  contents  of  the  let- 
ter mentioned  in  ver.  6  he  has  at  least  character- 
ized as  an  accusation.  It  is  all  the  more  incon- 
ceivable since  the  author  has  expressly  desig- 
nated the  language  of  the  letter  mentioned  in 
ver.  17.  Without  doubt  he  regarded  this  as 
of  especial  importance.  2)  Already  the  fact  that 
the  remark  that  the  letter  in  ver.  7  was  written 
in  Aramaic,  is  immediately  followed  by  a  section 
in  Aramaic,  and  so  also  the  fact  that  in  accord- 
ance with  ver.  7,  where  Samaritans  are  desig- 


nated at  the  outset  as  authors  of  the  letter;  again 
after  the  Persian  officials  in  ver.  9,  Samaritan 
tribes  are  mentioned  as  taking  part  in  the  letter 
— all  this  is  in  favor  of  the  view  that  it  is  only 
the  contents  of  that  letter  which  now  follow 
(comp.    Kohler,   Nachexd.  Proph.  S.21).      3)  The 

word  1J11J3   in   ver.   7,   which  is  found   nowhere 
T  t  -. 

else  in  Hebrew,  looks  evidently  forward  to  the 
same  word  in  ver.  9.  4)  If  nuother  letter  were 
referred  to  in  ver.  8,  a  connecting  copula  could 
no  more  be  lacking  here  than  at  the  beginning 
of  ver.  7,  (Keil).  Without  doubt  the  Samaritans 
mentioned  in  ver.  7,  who  had  become  known  to 
the  author  elsewhere,  had  been  the  proper  insti- 
gators of  the  letter,  the  Persian  officials  men- 
tioned in  ver.  8  merely  their  instruments.  The 
verb  3H3  which  is  likewise   used   of  the  former, 

_T 

does  not  by  any  means  always  mean  :  to  write 
with  one's  own  hand.  That  the  Persian  officers 
had  written  the  letter  in  combination  with  the 
Samaritans  is  besides  expressly  declared  in  a 
short  introduction  which  had  been  given  to  it 
probably  at  Jerusalem,  when  they  there  added  it 
to  other  important  documents,  in  the  form  of  an 
explanatory  superscription.  This  introduction, 
which  so  to  say  had  grown  together  with  the  do- 
cument, the  author  has  for  accuracy  and  perspi- 
cuity taken  up  in  vers.  8-11,  leaving  it  to  the 
reader  to  put  together  correctly  the  different 
statements  respecting  the  authorship  in  the  man- 
ner indicated.  Other  interpreters,  as  Keil  and 
Klihler  (I.e.)  suppose  that  he  found  the  verses  8-11 
a.  and  so  also  then  the  following  letter  itself  in 
the  history  of  the  building  of  the  temple  writ- 
ten in  Chaldee,  which  he  used  in  vers.  5  and 
6.  Whether  however  he  really  had  before  him 
such  a  document  is  doubtful,  as  we  have  shown 
in  the  Introduction,  \  2.  Besides  the  abbrevia- 
tion rVyO*  and  the  like,  which  stands  at  the  end 
of  ver .10,  is  found  only  in  the  superscriptions 
of  letters,  where  things  that  are  self-understood 
may  be  omitted  (comp.  vers.  11,  17),  not  in  a  his- 
torical narrative. — DJ?0  7£3  =  lord  of  under- 
standing, counsellor,  is  not  a  proper  name  (Es- 
dras,  Alex.,  Syr.,  Vulg.),  but  a  designation  of  the 
office  of  Rehum  [the  title  apparently  of  the  Per- 
sian governor  of  the  Samaritan  province.  Raw- 
linson  in  loco. — Tr.],  as  N"<33,  scribe,  chancellor, 
is  the  designation  of  the  office  of  Shimshai.  ["Ac- 
cording to  Herodotus  (III.  128)  every  Persian 
governor  was  accompanied  to  his  province  by  a 
'royal  scribe'  or  'secretary '  (ypauuarelc),  who 
had  a  separateandindependent  authority,"  Raw- 

linson   in   loco. — Tr.1.     K"UN  =  mJN,    in    later 

J         T  • ' .  T  '■" 

Hebrew.  Xin  is  used   as  an   indef.  article,  as  in 

T  -: 

the  later  Hebrew  inx.  N3J3  has,  according  to 
Raschi  and  Ab.  Ezra,  arisen  from  3  and  X'DJ  = 
KD'J  =  "IDW,  comp.  in  the  Talmud  KD'K,  I  say 
N"DT),  thousayest;  thus  literally:  as  we  say, — 
then:  in  the  following  manner,  or  also,  accord- 
ing as  has  been  stated. 

Vers.  9,  10  add  to  the  summary  statement 
of  authorship  a  closer  explanation:  Then  Re- 
hum   and   the  rest  of  their  compa. 

nions. — The  verb  "write"  is  to  be  supplied 
from  the  previous  verse.     Then  the  sense  is,  wheD 


60 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


they  wrote  the  letter  in  question,  they  were  ac- 
tive in  common  with  their  companions.  As  their 
companions,  the  communities  transplanted  to 
Palestine  are  then  adduced  according  to  their 
native  lands  in  Eastern  Asia.  The  Dinaites 
were  perhaps  from  the  Median  city  Deinaver, 
whieh  still  had  this  name  in  a  quite  late  period 
( Abulf.  Ocogr.  ed.  Par.,  p.  414).  Schrader  would 
find  it  as  Da-ya-a-ni,  also  Da-ya-i-ni  in  the  in- 
scription of  the  older  Tiglath  Pileser,  who  reck- 
ons them  among  the  Nahiri,  that  is,  to  the  Ar- 
menians, I.  c,  S.  246.  The  Apharsathohites, 
perhaps  identical  with  the  Apharsachites  in  ch. 
T.  6,  were  compared  by  Hiller  (Onom.  p.  655, 
745)  with  the  robber  Parsetakites  (Herod.  I.  101 ; 
Strabo  xv.  3,  12),  on  the  boundary  of  Media  and 
Persia;  Rawlinson  regards  the  Apharsachites  as 
the  Afar-Sittaces,  according  to  the  inscriptions, 
and  the  Apharsachites  as  the  Afar-Sacoe  (corup. 
Reed,  in  Gesen.  T/ies.,  app.  p.  107).  [But  in  his 
Com.,  in  loco,  Rawlinson  regards  these  two  names 
as  only  variations  of  the  third  form  Apharsites, 
all  referring  to  the  same  people,  the  Persians. — 
Tb.]. — The  Tarpelites  remind  us  of  the  rd-ov- 
pol  (Ptol.  VI.  2,  0)  dwelling  on  the  East  of  Ely- 
mais*  The  Apharsites  are  identified  with  the 
Persians,  whose  name  is  here  provided  with  X 
prosthetic;  Hiller  (Onom.  p.  655)  thought  of  the 
Parrhasians  in  Eastern  Media.  The  Arche- 
vites  had  their  name  probably  from  ipx  (Gen. 
x.  10),  Arku  in  the  inscriptions,  the  present 
Warka  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  south- 
east of  Babylon  (comp.  Schrad.  I.  c,  S.  18).  The 
Babylonians  are  the  inhabitants  of  Babylon, 
the  Susanchites  those  of  Susa,  the  Dehavites 
(Qeri  KTPT),  the  Adut  of  the  Greeks  (Herod.  I. 
125),  the  Blamites.  those  of  Elam  or  Elymais. 

Ver.  10.  And  the  rest  of  the  nations 
whom  the  great  and  noble  Asnapper 
brought  over. — Since  the  author  adds  these 
words  as  a  summing  up,  it  is  clear  that  he'could 
not  or  would  not  enumerate  all  in  detail,  that  he 
would  represent  them  as  all  taking  part  together, 
and  indeed  not  only  so  far  as  they  dwelt  in  Sa- 
maria, but  further  than  this  also  those  in  the 
other  lands  on  this  side  of  the  river. — Thus 
did  all  these  colonists  here  act  in  common,  even 
those  who  dwelt  as  it  were  in  Phoenicia  and  Sy- 
ria,because  they  perhaps  underallcircunistances 
as  foreigners  over  against  the  natives  felt  them- 
selves united  by  the  bond  of  a  common  situation, 
because  they  perhaps  all  feared  also  for  their 
territory,  if  the  Jews  should  grow  into  a  power, 
upon  which  the  Israelites  dwelling  at  a  greater 
distance  round  about  might  lean.  Since  here 
all  the  colonists  are  to  be  mentioned  in  entirely 
general  terms,  we  cannot  regard  it  as  singular 
that  at  this  time  on  the  one  side  entirely  differ- 
ent names  are  mentioned  from  those  in  2  Kings 
xvii.  24,  where  only  those  transported  to  Sama- 
ria are  mentioned,  that  moreover  on  the  other 
side  the  Samaritan  nations  are  not  so  particu- 
larly mentioned  as  in  that  passage,  where  instead 
of  the  Babylonians  in  general,  people  from  Ba- 
bylon, Cuthah,  etc.,  are  named.  Asnapper  here 
might  be  regarded  as  another  name  of  Esar-had- 


•  fRawlin«nn  in  loco  regards  them  as  colonists  from 
the  nation  which  the  Assyrians  called  7Wa».the  Greeks 
"  Tlborenl,"  and  the  Uebrewfl  generally  "  Tabal."— Taj 


don,  in  ver.  2,  and  indeed  the  more  as  we  here 
have  a  Chaldee  document ;  yet  the  supposition 
of  different  names  for  one  and  the  same  person 
is  ever  a  doubtful  one.  It  is  not  suitable,  how- 
ever, to  understand  thereby  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  Esar-Haddon  [Rawlinson],  for  the  epith. 
orn.  "great  and  noble  '  are  in  favor  of  a  king, 
although  the  title  of  king  is  not  expressly  added. 
It  is  probable  therefore  that  a  mutilation  of  the 
name  Esar-Haddon  has  taken  place.*  After  the 
designation  of  the  place:  in  the  city  of  Sa- 
maria, the  following  1ND1,  etc.,  may  also  be 
merely  a  designation  of  place;  accordingly  the 
2,  which  is  before  iT^D  is  to  be  supplied  before 
it  and  IXty  is  to  be  taken  as  neuter  of  the  land 
or  places.  rnnj-131'  on  that  side  of  the  river, 
of  the  land  to  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,  is  ex- 
plained as  a  now  universally  prevailing  geogra- 
phical expression.  K^fOH  contracted  into  H^'3 
(comp.  ver.  17)  =  etc.,  or  "the  like."  Perhaps 
the  author  himself  already  placed  this  expression 
of  abbreviation  at  the  introduction  of  the  letter, 
in  order  to  indicate  that  still  other  designations 
of  lands  are  to  bethought  of  as  a  matter  of  course; 
perhaps,  however,  it  is  derived  from  the  author 
of  our  book,  who  would  not  copy  that  which  was 
to  be  understood  of  itself. 

Ver.  11.  These  are  the  contents  of  the 
letter  which  they  sent. — Here  we  have  at 
once  announced  in  the  first  half  of  the  verse  the 
contents  of  the  letter.  It  seems  that  already 
the  beginning  of  the  letter  itself  was  used  for 
this  announcement,  since  it  was  certainly  the 
style  for  the  letter-writer  to  designate  more 
closely  in  a  superscription  as  well  himself — 
whic.i  is  now  no  longer  the  case  here — as  also  the 
receiver  of  the  letter.  For  only  from  such 
superscriptions  can  it  be  explained  how  at  the 
beginning  of  every  letter  in  our  book  almost  the 
same  formula  occurs,  comp.  ver.  17;  v.  6;  vii. 
11. — M013,  in  the  book  of  Esther  thrice  ]^i}2, 
which  two  forms  are  likewise  used  interchange- 
ably in  the  Targums,  is  translated  by  many 
after  the  Sept.,  Vulg.,  which,  however,  are  not 
uniform  in  their  usage,  and  the  rabbin,  inter- 
preters as  copy  [so  A.  V.].  But  very  properly 
Benfey  (Monatsnamen,  p.  193  sq.)  rendered  this 
meaning  doubtful.  In  ver.  23  it  does  not  suit, 
since  the  Persian  officers  had  not  received  a, 
copy,  but  the  letter  itself;  and  it  is  no  more 
appropriate  to  E-ther  lii.  14;  viii.  13,  and  in 
Esther  iv.  8  another  meaning  suits  at  least  as 
well.  Accordingly  the  word  seems  to  have 
rather  the  meaning  of  contents,  as  then  indeed 
the  Vulg.  in  Esther  iii.  14  has  rendered  it  summa. 
Gildermeister  (  D.  M.  Ztitschr.  IV.,  S.  210)  and 
Haug  (Ewald's  bibl.  Jahrb.  V.,  S.  163  sq.)  con- 
jectures in  the  syllable  ">3  the  Persian  fra,  the 
Sanscrit  pra=-p6,  pro,  the  new  Persian  far,  in 
the  corresponding  J13  the  Zend  paid  (Sanscrit 
prati)=irpoTi  and  nori,  np6c\  in  jJu/  a  word  like 
crnr/hana,  old  Persian  lhanhana,  from  cenghdicere, 
prmdicare. — In  the  second  half  of  the  verse,  the 

*  According  to  Hitzip's  faithful  disciple  Egli.  it  would 
be  an  Appellative,  that  would  show  us  the  relationship 
of  the  Assyrian  with  the  German  and  would  be  essen- 
tially the  same  as  the  German  "  Schnappcr." 


CHAP.  IV.  1-24. 


51 


letter  begins  :  thy  servants,  the  men  on  this 
side  of  the  river,  etc.— Here  also  there  has 
been  left  off  what  usually  stands  at  the  begin- 
ning of  a  letter:  the  sense  is:  thy  servants 
wish  thee,  0  king,  peace,  comp.  ver.  17. 
Alongside  of  the  form  of  the  Qeri,  ^3)?,  that  ot 
the  K'thib,  Tpl3,g,  is  also  justified. 

Vers.  12-10.  The  information  given  to  the 
king:  Be  it  known  unto  the  king. — OTTJ 
for  »iT  as  |\nS  for  jijT,  and  yvrh  for  jniTj 

vii.  25J  25;  Dan.  ii.  20,  28,  29,  45,  etc.  7  has 
in  Bib'.  Chald.,  occasionally  also  in  the  Targums, 
more  frequently  in  the  Talmuds,  vindicated 
itself  as  preformative  like  :    in  Syriac.     Comp. 

Zcick.,  Dan.  ii.  20.*— That  the  Jews unto 

us  have  come. — fill*,  they  have  come,  is  cer- 
tainly more  closely  defined  by  the  following 
participle  "building."  But  yet  it  is  singular 
that  in  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  there  was  still 
mention  made  of  coming.  It  seems  that  the 
coming  of  the  Jews,  even  after  the  time  of  Cyrus, 
still  went  on;  with  the  close  connection,  which 
those  who  remained  behind  maintained  with  the 
returned  (comp.  Zech.  vi.  9  sq. ;  Neh.  i.  2  Bq.), 
this  might  indeed  have  been  pre-supposed  as  a 
matter  of  course.— Building  the  rebellious 
and  the  bad  city,  and  have  set  up  the 
walls  thereof,  and  joined  the  foundations. 
Kjmo,  with  metheg  in  the  second  syllable,  and 
soTwhh  kametz  under  *»,  is  hardly  a  correct 
reading.  We  should  read  either  NJVnO  (so 
Norzi)  with  short  o  sound  in  the  second  syll. 
from  the  form  "llID,  which  occurs  in  the  Tar- 
gums, and  is  given  by  the  Peschito — an  inten- 
sive formation  like  Hebrew  K13p_;  or  KJJ"!-'? 
i  J.  II.  Mich.)  as  stat.  emphat.  of  the  stat.  abs., 
N"P3  (comp.  ver.  15).  We  must  certainly  pre- 
fer* the  Qeri  W??B?  RHWh  to  rS^ZKJX  HlWl. 
A  similar  false  separation  of  words  is  found  in 
2  Sam.  xxi.  12.  "jlTd  is  shaphel  of  7"?3,  and 
means  to  make  ready.  That  the  perf.  vTOtt 
should  follow  the  part.,  is  in  historical  narrative 
not  unusual;  here,  however,  it  has  its  special 
reason  perhaps  in  the  fact  that  the  Samaritans 
would  co-ordinate  this  expression:  and  they 
have   made   the    walls  ready,    to   the   first    and 

principal  statement  (irtN),  in  order  to  bring  it 
into  suitable  prominence.  Besides  they  may  be 
charged  in  alt  probability  with  a  kind  of  exag- 
geration, even  if  the  perfect  was  not  meant,  to 
be  taken  strictly.  If  the  Jews  had  now  really 
brought  the  walls  so  near  to  completion,  Nehe- 
miah  would  not  have  found  them  still  under  this 
same  king  in  the  condition  described  in  Neh.  ii. 
Since  they  yet  let  an  imperfect  follow  the  per- 
fect, they  indicate  of  themselves,  as  it  were 
involuntarily,  that  the  work  still  continued; 
otherwise  the  transition  to  the  imperfect  would 
be    without    any    reason.     ID'tT    might   be    the 

*  [More  properly  it  is  the  characteristic  of  the  sub- 
junetive  or  optative  foree  ot'  the  verb.  See  Liuatto's 
Oram,  dcr  bib.  Chald.,  \  10D,  and  Rigg's  Manual  of  Chal- 
dce,  p.  55.— Te.] 


imperf.  Aphel  of  DOTI,  dig,  dig  out,  which  is 
also  found  in  Syriac,  since  D'iT  would  be  for 
HIT;  to  dig  out  the  foundations  would  then  be 
simply=make  excavations  for  the  foundations; 
it  might,  however,  still  easier  be  taken  as  imperf. 
Aphel  of  Din,  properly  sew  together,  then  heal, 
improve;  alongside  of  D"P'  the  sharper  form 
D\T  is  to  be  maintained,  after  the  analogy  of 
which  under  the  influence  of  the  guttural  we 
have    DTV. 

Ver.  13.  Be  it  known  now  unto  the 
king  that  they  will  not  pay  toll,  tribute 
and  custom. — The  three  usual  kinds  of  taxes 
are  here  meant,  comp.  ver.  20  and  vii.  24. 
ntJO,  for  which  vi.  8  has  DTp,  which  expres- 
sion is  also  usual  in  Syriac,  is  etymologically= 
measure ;  here,  however,  the  appointed  geueral 

tax.  1^3  after  H73  is  perhaps  the  consumption 
tax,  and  TjSn  the  toll  for  highways. — And  that 
it  finally  will  prepare  damage  to  the  king. 
— The  meaning  of  DhpN,  which  is  entirely  dis- 
regarded by  the  ancient  versions,  is  entirely 
uncertain.  The  meaning  "income"  is  simply 
invented  by  tho  Jewish  interpreters  of  the  mid- 
dle ages,  and  is  not  recommended  by  vers.  15 
and  22  in  so  far  as  the  kings  themselves  are 
those  who  are  there  injured.  Haug  {I.  c.  )  com- 
pares DH1X  in  the  Pehlewi  language,  which=the 
last,  hindermost,  Sansc.  apa,  superl.  apama,  and 
thus  gains  for  our  word  the  meaning  of  "finally, 
at  last,"  which  certainly  is  entirely  appropriate. 

D'jTO  is  a  Hebraism,  or  perhaps  only  a  copy- 
ist's mistake  for  |"3V?-  PUnri  is  tert.  fern,  in 
Aphel, in  which  conjugation  the  Bib.  Chald.  some- 
times chooses  the  prefix  H,  which  it  preserves  even 
in  theimperf.  and  part.,  comp.  n^if'riri  in  ver.  15. 
The  subj.  is  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  or  the  indef. 
subject,  referring  to  the  design  of  Jerusalem. 

Ver.  14.  Now  because  we  have  mainte- 
nance from  the  king  s  palace  — The  writers 
would  here  at  any  rate  state  a  reason  for  the 
following  statement,  that  it  was  not  meet  for 
them  to  see  the  injury  of  the  king.  The  rabbi- 
nical explanation  followed  by  Luther:  "we  all, 
who  have  destroyed  the  temple,"  is  therefore 
not  recommended;  besides  we  would  then  have 
to  expect  at  least  instead  of:  salt  the  salt  of  the 
temple,  scatter  salt  on  the  temple,  comp.  Judges 
ix.  45;  Jer.  xvii.  6;  Isa.  Ii.  6.  To  salt  the  salt 
of  any  one  probably  means  to  live  through  any 
one's  bounty,  perhaps  pay,  and  therefore  be 
obligated  to  him,  stand  in  his  service.  Syriac 
and  Persian  expressions  accord  with  this,  comp. 
Gesen.,  Thes.,  p.  790.  We  may  also  compare 
solarium.  Whether  the  writer  as  an  official  really 
received   pay  from  the  palace   of  the   king,   or 

speaks  figuratively,  we  cannot  say.*  "370  fttTg 
is  according  to  the  analogy  of  the  Heb.,  PiY\Jf, 
the  uncovering,  not  in  the  sense  of  deprivation, 
but  of  dishonoring;  the  Sept.  has  properly 
aaxvi'-oavvri,   whilst   the   Vulg.  employs  Uesiones. 


*  ['"The  Persian  satraps  had  no  salaries,  but  taxed 
the  provinces  for  the  support  of  themselves  and  their 
courts."     Rawlinson  in  loco.— Te.] 


52 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


It  would  be  a  dishonoring  of  a  great  king  if  the 
Jews  should  throw  off  their  allegiance  (refuse  to 
fulfil  their  duties).  }"")X,  also  in  the  Talinud= 
appropriate,  fitting,  is  connected  with  ^|1,J?,  ar- 
range.— Therefore  have  we  sent,  namely, 
this  letter,  and  made  known  to  the  king, 
namely,  the  following. 

Ver.  15.  That  search  may  be  made  in 
the  book  of  the  records  of  thy  fathers. — 
Subj.  of  1p?'  is  he  whose  duty  it  is  to  search, 
the  keeper  of  the  archives,  properly  indef.  subj. — 
ri3"01  and    nM"OT  (comp.  vi.  2)  is  the  memo- 

T  t  :  -  t       ;     •    v 

rable  occurrence  from  131=131.  In  Esther  vi.  1; 
this  book  is  called  more  completely:  the  book 
of  the  memorable  events  of  the  day.  The  fathers 
of  Artaxerxes  are  here  his  predecessors  on  the 
throne,  and  indeed  including  also  those  not 
Medo-Persian,  especially  the  Chaldean,  who  in 
this  connection  come  very  particularly  into 
consideration.  For  the  rebellions  that  follow 
must  mean  above  all  those  under  Jehoiachim 
and  Zedekiah.  The  manner  of  expression  is 
properly  explained  from  an  inclination  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Western  Asia  to  assume  a  connec- 
tion of  families  between  the  dynasties  that  suc- 
ceeded one  another,  but  also  from  figurative 
language,  which  was  all  the  more  natural  if 
Artaxerxes  already  had  had  many  real  ances- 
tors for  predecessors  on  the  throne. — So  shalt 
thou  find. — These  words  may  be  taken  as 
depending  upon  the  verb  make  known  in  the 
previous  verse,  but  yet  really  contains  the  con- 
sequence of  the  investigation.  *injjH?X  is  nom. 
verb,  of  Ithpaal  of  the  verb  *ntf,  uproar;  it  is 
found  elsewhere  only  in  ver.  19.  ]'~}3y,  they  make 
(continually)  uproar,  indefin.  subject,  they  make ; 

in  ver.  19  there  is  made.   Rliy  no'V  JD,  from  the 
t  :  -       .-        I  ■  * 

days  of  old.  The  fem.  form  rnv  is  also  found 
in  Syriac  alongside  of  the  masc. ;  otherwise  in 
Bib.  Chald.  the  masc.  'OV  is  used,  as  then  in 
Heb.  likewise  the  masc.  is  throughout  the  usual 
form,  the  fem.  only  occurring  in  poetry.  With 
the  clause:  For  which  cause  was  this  city 
destroyed,  we  certainly  are  to  look  back  to 
the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 
rOinn  is  Hoph.,  which  is  used  throughout  in 
Bib.  Chaldee  for  the  Ittaplial. 

Ver.  16.  We  certify  the  king,  that  if 

by  this  means  thou  shalt  have  no  portion 
on  this  side  the  river.  —  The  verse  concludes 

with  this  inference  and  summing  up.  Hjl  73p 7 
—on  this  account,  in  consequence  of  this  cir- 
cumstance as  in  Dan.  ii.  12.  They  supposed 
that  the  fortified  Jerusalem  would  not  merely 
free  itself  from  taxes,  but  also  appropriate  to 
itself  all  the  territory  on  the  west  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, so  that  the  great  king  would  have 
nothing  left,  comp.  Eccl.  ix.  6;  2  Chron.  x.  16; 
Jos.  xx.  25,  27. 

Vers.  17-22.  The  writers  of  the  letter  had 
manifestly  desired  to  obtain  by  means  of  their 
information  authoritative  measures,  authorizing 
them  to  restrain  the  Jews.  These  they  obtained. 
— The  king  sent  an  edict  — The  abrupt  way 
in  which  the  letter   of   the   king  is   mentioned 


may  be  explained  from  the  fact  that  the   same 

address  as  in  ver.  11  is  here  used,  even  if  with 

slight  differences.     i"l3Jri3  from  the  Zend,  pati- 
°  T  t  :  ■  * 

gama  (modern  Persian  paigam.  Armenian  patt- 
kam)  is  the  command,  and  in  this  sense  has  even 
passed  over  into  the  Hebrew,  comp.  Eccl.  viii. 
11  ;  Esther  i.  20.  At  its  root  is  the  word  paid 
(~f>6g)  and  gam=go,  accordingly  =t  he  approach- 
ing message  (comp.  Keil  on  Dan.  iii.  16). 
Moreover,  comp.  notes  on  ver.  10. 

Ver.  18.  The  letter  which  ye  sent  unto 
us  hath  been  plainly  read  before  me. — 
C^-33,  Pael  part,  passive,  meaus  here,  since  the 
Aramaic  without  doubt  was  chosen  only  because 
it  was  used  at  court,  not  translated,  but  explained, 
or  adverbially,  plainly,  comp.  the  Pual  part,  in 
this  sense  in  Neh.  viii.  8,  as  then  this  word  has 
the  same  meaning  also  in  the  Talmud* 

Ver.  19.  And  I  commanded  — D'S?  pro- 
perly, Kal  passive  part. ;  in  Bib.  Chaldee  is  used 
instead  of  a  tertia  pers.  praet.  pass,  accordingly, 
instead  of  the  lthpael  (comp.  v.  17;  Dan.  iv.  6); 
moreover  the  Peil  part,  in  Bib.  Chald.  usually 
gives  a  new  preterite  passive,  and  is  for  this 
purpose  conjugated  throughout  with  the  afforma- 
tives  of  the  verb.  Alongside  of  D'«y,  the  form 
D&  also  occurs,  in  fem  jlOVi',  Dan.  vi.  18. — 
Search  hath  been  made,  and  it  is  found 
that  this  city — hath  made  insurrection  — 
Nl^Jpn  is  here  used  as  in  1  Kings  i.  5  in  Hebrew, 
of  rising  up  in  rebellion.     Comp.  ver.  15. 

Ver.  20.  There  have  been  mighty  kings 
also  over  Jerusalem  which  have  ruled. — 
The  reference  is  to  Uzziah,  Jotham,  and  perhaps 
David  and  Solomon,  if  in  any  way  a  rumor 
of  them  had  come  to  Babylon  and  to  the  Per- 
sians.f  Since  these  kings  had  subjugated  the 
land  to  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,  especially  the 
territory  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  and 
similar  tribes,  the  suspicion  was  quite  natural 
that  Jerusalem  would  again   strive  for  such  a 

supremacy.  2  before  73  depends  upon  the  pre- 
vious J'ip'vBf:  ruling  over  all  on  that  side  of  the 
river.  With  reference  to  the  following  clause 
comp.  ver.  13. 

Ver.  21.  Give  ye  now  commandment, 
namely,  to  those  who  are  building  in  Jerusalem. 
D>'iJ  is  here  as  in  ver.  19,  not  in  the  sense  of  in- 
vestigation, observation,  as  in  Dan.  iii.  12,  in 
connection  with  1}!  DV«y,  but  in  the  sense  of  de- 
cision, command,    N7D37  —  that  you  cause  tc 

T  T  - : 

cease  by  your  command.  From  this  infinitive, 
as  frequently  in  Hebrew,  the  construction  passes 
over  into  the  finite  verb:  and  that  this  city 
be  not  built.  The  additional  clause:  until  a 
command  shall  be  given  from  me,  namely, 
that  defined  by  the  context,  for  building,  hence 
the  flat.  emph.  XOi'tD-     This  is  not  a  mere  phrase, 


*  ["  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Persian  mnnurchs  could  ordi- 
narily read  (.AnoisnlMonarehies,  Vol.  IV..  p.  185).  At  any 
rate  it  was  not  their  habit  to  read,  but  to  have  documents 
read  to  them  (comp.  Esther  vi.  1)."  Raivlinson  in  Ivm. 
— Tr.1 

t  fRawlinson  in  loco  doubts  the  reference  to  David 
and  Solomon,  and  thinks  the  reference  more  probable 
to  Menahem  (2  Kings  xv.  16),  and  Josiah  (2  Chron.  xxxiv. 
6,  7;  xxxv.  18;.— Ta.) 


CHAP.  IV.   1-24. 


53 


that  would  make  all  tilings  dependent  upon  him- 
self and  his  words,  but  a  product  of  his  prudence, 
since  he  really  had  in  view  the  possibility  of  a 
change.  With  this  agrees  very  well  the  earnest- 
ness and  severity  with  which  in 

Ver.  22  lie  sharpens  the  previous  command: 
and  be  careful — so  TSTti  which  is  especially 
frequent  in  Syriac, — to  make  a  mistake  = 
that  you  may  not  make  a  mistake  with  reference 

to  this  matter,  riD7  properly  "to  what"  = 
that  not,  comp.  vii.  23,  so  also  in  Syriac.  Ac- 
cordingly the  meaning  is,  that  iT73n,  damage, 
which  easily  grows  as  a  pest,  may  not  become 
grea'. 

Ver.  23.  The  consequences  of  the  royal  edict 
are  now  added,  probably  by  the  same  hand,  that 
had  added  the  introductory  address  of  the  ori- 
ginal document. — Now  when  the  contents 
of  the  letter  .  .  .  were  read.     A  parenthetical 

clause  begins  with  ,rT"]0-  It  is  not  until  17_TX 
that  the  principal  clause  continues. — They 
went  up  to  Jerusalem,  unto  the  Jews. — 
7TS  may  be  connected  with  7  and  1}}  in  the  sense 
of  ''going  to  or  unto"  (comp.  v.  8  Din.  ii.  24  ; 
here  both  prepositions  follow.  The  subject  is 
supplied  from  the  parenthetical  clause.  jniX3, 
properly,  "with  arm,"  or  "the  power  of  the 
arm,"  but  this  could  not  be  the  meaning  here, 
were  it  not  for  Till  =  troops,  which  is  accord- 
ingly added.  The  Sept.  renders  freely,  but.  not 
incorrectly  (against  Keil):  ev  Inrrofc  koc  6wduett 
comp.  the  Hebrew  ^*1"H,  Ezra  xvii.  0,  and  flij/nr, 
or  BTfVlTi  Dan.  xi.  15,  31,  where  also  Keil  ex- 
plains the  meaning  as  warlike  powers.  Instead 
of  JfTlSi  almost  always  >'"H  occurs  without  the 
prosthetic  X. 

Ver.  24.  Then  ceased  the  work  of  the 
house  of  God. — This  verse  already  begins  the 
continuation  of  vers.  1—5,  the  further  history  of 
the  building  of  the  temple;  at  least  it  is  intro- 
ductory thereto.  Our  author  himself  (comp. 
notes  on  ver.  6)  here  gives  the  results  of  the  hos- 
tile effort,  but  not  those  of  the  last  struggle,  but 
those  of  the  first  under  Cyrus,  which  already 
results  from  the  idea  of  703,  if  it  is  taken  in  the 
strict  sense.  The  author  would  not  have  gone 
back  to  the  cessation,  were  it  not  that  he  would 
come  to  something  that  had  already  eonnected 
hself  with  the  first  intimation  which  had  occa- 
sioned the  cessation.* 

THOUGHTS  UPON'  THE  HISTORY  OF  REDEMPTION. 

Vers.  1—3.  (1)  The  release  of  Israel  and  the 
re-establishment  of  Jerusalem  and  the  temple 
connected  therewith  was  a  beginning  of  the  ful- 
filment of  the  great  prophetic  promises.  Among 
these  promises   were  those    that   said   that   the 

*  ("The  stoppage  of  the  building  by  the  Pseudn  Smer- 
dis  i^  in  complete  harmony  with  his  character.  He  w:ij 
a  Magus,  devoted  to  the  Alagian  elemental  worship,  ami 
opposed  to  belief  in  a  persona]  god.  His  religion  did 
not  approve  of  temples  {Htrcd.  I.,  130i;  and  as  he  perse- 
cuted the  Zoroastrian  {Behist  Inaer.,  col.  i.,  par.  14..  so 
would  he  naturally  be  inimical  to  the  Jewish  faith 
(comp.  Ancient  Monarchiti,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  ;(47,  CDS)"  Baw- 
liuson  in  loco. — Tr.] 


heathen  would  come  near,  to  walk  in  the  light  of 
the  Lord  (especially  Mic.  iv.  1  sq.;  Isa.  ii.  2,  24; 
)x  1  sq.);  they  were  to  take  part  in  the  commu- 
nion with  Him,  and  accordingly  in  His  worship 
and  kingdom,  and  rejoice  in  His  blessings. 
When  now  t lie  Samaritans  drew  nigh  with  the 
request  that  they  might  help  in  building  t he  tem- 
ple, was  not  their  claim  sustained  by  these  pro- 
phets? Should  not  I-rael  have  been  ready 
gladly  to  contribute  their  part  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  prophecy,  even  if  it  should  for 
the  moment  be  burdensome  to  them?  Did  they 
not  have  to  fear  lest  they  should  by  a  refusal 
strive  against  God's  own  great  thoughts  and  de- 
signs which  had  been  expressed  long  before? 
If  the  one  prophecy  is  compared  and  explained 
by  the  other,  then  it  follows,  certainly,  that  this 
conversion  of  the  heathen  was  not  to  be  expected 
until  the  appearance  of  the  Messiah.  But  if  the 
Lord  had  given  the  one  thing  that  was  to  come 
with  the  better  and  Messianic  times,  namely  the 
return  to  the  land  of  their  fathers,  could  He  not 
then  very  soon  also  afford  them  the  other,  the 
appearance  of  the  Messiah  itself?  At  present, 
indeed,  Israel  had  no  other  prince  than  Zerub- 
babel,  who  did  not  even  have  the  majesty  of  an 
ordinary  king,  not  to  speak  of  Messianic  majesty 
and  glory.  But  if  now  the  congregation  had 
gained  in  strength  and  numbers  by  the  reception 
of  the  Samaritans,  would  it  not  thereby  have  also 
gradually  advanced  an  important  stage,  and  would 
not  other  tribes  and  families  also  have  gradually 
followed  the  Samaritans?  The  congregation 
was  obliged  in  those  times,  when  so  much  was 
but  feeble,  and  began  to  have  but  little  prospect 
of  improvement  (comp.  Zech.  iv.  10),  to  look  at. 
so  many  things  with  the  eye  of  faith,  if  they 
would  make  no  mistakes;  and  grasp  them  in  faith, 
if  they  wou'd  not  lack  courage  for  them  from  the 
outset — should  they  not  then  have  seen  here  also  in 
faith  a  beginning,  that  would  have  its  continuation 
and  completion;  should  they  not  have  covered  over 
with  the  veil  of  mildness  and  forbearance  the  many 
weaknesses  which  might  still  adhere  to  the  Sama- 
ritans, and  have  excused  them  with  the  hope  of 
better  things?  They  felt  themselves  too  weak  to 
overcome  the  heathen  elements  that  were  natural 
to  them,  and  to  meet  the  influences  which  they 
would  exert  in  case  of  a  union.  But  should  they 
not  have  overcome  their  feeling  of  weakness  in 
the  power  of  the  enthusiasm  of  their  faith  ?  They 
were  obliged  to  recognise  likewise  that  some- 
thing of  good  was  in  the  Samaritans,  and  were 
in  duty  bound  to  God  to  trust  in  Him  that  He 
would  make  the  good  to  prevail  over  the  evil  and 
secure  the  victory  to  the  truth.  Was  it  not,  if 
they  rejected  the  Samaritans,  looking  deeper,  a 
lack  of  faith,  unnecessary  anxiety,  and  was  not 
national  narrow-mindedness,  and  uncharitable- 
ness  mingled  therewith?  There  are  many  who 
take  this  view  of  it,  and  are  very  much  inclined 
to  make  use  of  such  thoughts  with  reference  to  si- 
milar things,  which  are  not  entirely  lacking  at 
present.  But,  however  difficult  it  may  appear  to 
take  a  safe  course  in  such  a  state  of  affairs,  one 
thing  is  sure:  The  Samaritans  had  no  right  to 
an  entrance  into  the  congregation  on  their  asser- 
tion that  they  had  already  always  and  from  the  be- 
ginning worshipped  the  Lord,  for  on  the  contrary 
this  could  have  been  the  case  only  in  that  they 


54 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


could  have  shown  at  some  period  of  their  history 
a  decisive  break  with  their  previous  heathenism 
and  a  real  conversion  to  Jehovah.  Such  a  con- 
version, however,  of  a  true  and  hearty  charac- 
ter, such  as  the  prophets  had  prophesied  as 
taking  place  in  the  Messianic  time  (comp.  Isa. 
xix.  16  Bq  )  was  not  at  all  possible  on  their  part. 
They  needed  first  for  this  a  turning  unto  them, 
a  change  on  the  part  of  the  Lord.  Israel  was 
what  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  divine  elec- 
tion. The  Samaritans  also,  and  indeed  all  other 
nations,  can  become  God's  people  only  when  God 
extends  His  election  clearly  and  effectually  unto 
them  likewise.  They  cannot  choose  Him,  but 
He  must  choose  them.  It  was  His  prerogative 
in  this  as  in  all  other  things,  to  take  the  initia- 
tive, if  indeed  He  was  the  God  of  revelation,  and 
was  to  be  honored  as  such.  It  was  necessary 
that  He  should  reveal  Himself  in  some  manner, 
that  He  should  draw  near  them  and  become  ap- 
prehensible ;  He  must  send  a  mediator,  under 
whom  they  likewise  might  find  themselves,  and  in 
whom  there  should  be  a  righteousness,  a  perfection 
and  glory  which  would  be  undoubtedly  for  them, 
yea,  overpowering  them,  and  above  all,  likewise 
rendering  satisfaction  for  them,  and  of  a  suffi- 
ciently representative  character ;  He  must  do  a  re- 
demptive act,  by  which  He  should  purchase  and 
take  them  to  Himself.  It  was  necessary  that  there 
should  first  be  a  new  manifestation,  which  should 
lay  anew  foundation,  and  even  on  this  account,  also 
another  instrument  than  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua, 
coming  from  heaven,  the  appearance  of  the  Sun 
of  righteousness  itself,  with  healing  in  its  beams 
even  for  the  heathen.  That  the  congregation  in 
Jerusalem  rightly  judged  the  Samaritans  has 
been  attested  by  the  Lord  Himself  in  John  iv. 
22,  as  Hengstenberg  has  well  shown  in  his  Gesch. 
des  Reiches  Goltes  ("ye  worship  ye  know  not 
what")  and  the  history  itself  has  shown  that 
they  justly  estimated  that  the  hour  of  God  had 
not  yet  come.  This  hour  did  not  strike  until 
Christ  the  Lord  authoritatively  removed  the 
fence  that  had  been  erected  between  Israel  and 
the  heathen. 

(2)  The  congregation  had  at  first  for  their  own 
sake  as  well  as  for  the  sake  of  the  Samaritans, 
to  adopt  an  exclusive  policy.  Whilst,  if  they 
had  taken  the  Samaritans  into  their  membership 
they  would  have  been  ruined  by  the  latterthrough 
their  worldly  conformity,  now  they  remained  a 
salt,  that  in  good  time  might  become  useful  even 
to  them,  yea,  they  became  already  in  advance  a 
warning  and  an  impulse  to  them,  in  consequence 
of  which  they  gradually  turned  to  better  things. 
The  good  Samaritan  in  the  gospel  makes  it  pro- 
bable that  the  Lord  found  here  and  there  among 
them,  hearts  that  were  less  hard  than  those  of 
the  priests  and  Levites  in  Jerusalem.  The  story 
of  the  Samaritan  who  was  healed  of  leprosy,  who 
alone  rendered  thanks  to  the  Lord,  is  an  evi- 
dence that  the  noblest  virtue  might  easily  thrive 
among  them  better  than  among  the  Jews.  The 
Samaritan  woman  at  Jacob's  well  and  the  people 
of  Sychar,  then  those  in  Samaria  itself  (Acts 
viii.)  show  a  susceptibility  for  the  Saviour,  by 
which  they  might  become  true  members  of  the 
people  of  God  before  many  in  the  ancient  con- 
gregation. Would  that  those,  who  as  the  Sama- 
ritans do  not  worship  the  true  and  holy  God  who 


does  not  allow  His  people  to  be  put  to  shame, 
but  only  their  own  idols  who  are  easily  satisfied, 
might  have  a  clearer  and  stronger  conception  of 
the  chasm  that  separates  them  from  the  true  con- 
gregation of  the  Lord!  It  would  be  a  help  for 
them  that  they  need  first  of  all. 

(3)  The  congregation  had  to  do  without  an 
increase  such  as  would  have  come  through  the 
Samaritan  element;  they  must  rather  remain 
small  ami  suffer  persecutions  than  abandon  unto 
corruption  the  blessings  entrusted  to  them. 
But  after  that  Jesus  Christ  has  come  into  the 
world  anil  redemption  has  been  made  for  all,  so 
that  only  the  innermost  inclination  of  the  heart 
need  be  brought  into  consideration,  it  is  much 
more  difficult  to  properly  recognize  the  Samari- 
tan influence  that  would  press  into  the  Church, 
and  there  is  need  in  this  respect  of  a  very  great 
and  especial  care.  Above  all  we  must  take  this 
to  heart,  that  no  one  has  to  be  converted  to  us, 
to  our  opinions  and  methods,  but  that  every  one 
is  to  be  converted  to  Jesus  Christ  alone.  The 
two  do  not  coincide  as  long  as  we  are  still  in  an 
imperfect  state.  But  at  all  events  conversion 
is  the  decisive  thing.  How  necessary  this  is  and 
how  fundamental  it  must  be  has  now  become 
still  clearer  in  the  light  of  Jesus  Christ.  He  who 
now  without  conversion  thinks  that  he  can  take 
part  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  who  disputes  the 
necessity  of  conversion,  the  depth  of  human  sin- 
fulness, the  strictness  of  the  divine  holiness,  in 
that  he  sets  before  him  the  grand  aim  of  human- 
izing Christianity,  reconciling  it  with  culture, 
would  set  aside  the  opposition  of  the  world 
against  the  Church,  the  Church's  rigor,  narrow- 
ness, lack  of  culture,  whilst  in  truth  he  seeks  to 
make  the  Church  conformable  unto  the  world — 
such  nn  one  is  in  fact  to  be  placed  on  a  par  with 
the  Samaritans:  lie  is,  indeed,  because  he  is 
more  accountable,  worse  than  a  Samaritan. — 
The  state  of  affairs,  however,  to-day  is  an  en- 
tirely different  one,  inasmuch  as  Samaritanism 
is  not  without,  but  within  the  congregation 
[that  is,  in  the  State  Churches  especially  :  to  a 
limited  extent  in  the  free  evangelical  churches 
— Tr.],  yea,  at  times  indeed  is  to  be  found  in 
those  who  govern  the  congregation,  where  then 
at  any  rate  the  parable  of  the  wheat  and  tares 
comes  into  consideration  with  reference  to  the 
way  of  judging  it  and  treating  it. 

Vers.  4,  5.  The  Samaritaus  were  able  for  a 
time  to  prevent  the  building  of  the  house  of  God. 
But  what  God  would  have,  must  finally  come  to 
pass.  Just  as  at  a  previous  time  when  David 
could  not  at  once  and  himself  execute  his  design 
of  building  a  temple  to  the  Lord  (2  Sam.  vii.), 
so  the  Lord  now  showed  that  He  did  not  require 
under  all  circumstances  that  which  the  world 
was  still  able  to  take  away  from  Him  and  His 
people.  Thus  then  the  Church  should  never  be 
discouraged  when  their  enemies  triumph  for  a 
season,  and  when  it  is  as  if  they  accomplished 
nothing,  as  if  they  lacked  the  most  necessary 
things,  and  walked  in  a  way  that  is  not  good. 
When  the  progress  of  their  work  is  rendered 
more  difficult  by  a  thousand  persecutions,  by 
the  spread  of  many  calumnies  and  the  like,  then 
is  the  time,  as  Starke  says,  to  pray  the  third 
petition  that  God  would  prevent  all  and  every 
wicked  counsel   and  purpose.     But   we   should 


CHAP.  IV.   1-24. 


66 


not  judge  by  success  whether  we  have  chosen 
the  right  or  the  wroug  way,  but  only  by  God's 
word  and  truth.  We  should  not  find  it  too  hard 
to  be  miserable  and  poor  so  long  as  it  pleases 
God.  It  so  easily  happens,  as  it  is  elsewhere 
said,  thai  the  belter  the  work,  the  greater  hin- 
drances are  found,  and  that  where  God  proposes 
something  good,  the  devil  does  not  rest,  but 
sows  tares  with  it  (Starke). 

Vers.  7-16.  It  was  calumniation  when  the 
Samaritans  charged  the  Jews  behind  their  back 
at  the  Persian  court  with  pursuing  political  ends, 
although  in  Artaxerxes'  time  the  question  was 
no  longer  of  the  temple,  but  of  the  city  and  its 
walls.  The  Jews  had  nothing  to  do  with  politi- 
cal deliverance  and  independence,  but  with  se- 
curing their  existence  and  freedom  of  worship 
which  could  hardly  be  refused  them  by  the  Per- 
sians. But  such  slanders  were  almost  a  neces- 
sity. The  Church  must  ever  be  prepared  for 
them.  The  world  knows  only  worldly  molives, 
worldly  aims,  and  cannot  but  ascribe  them  also 
to  the  Church;  with  all  things  that  they  allow 
themselves,  they  make  a  crime  for  the  Church. 
But  all  the  more  care  must  the  Church  take  that 
such  calumniations  may  not  gain  ground  ;  all  the 
more  carefully  accordingly  must  it  hold  itself 
aloof  from  the  world  and  its  aims.  Otherwise 
it  not  only  injures  itself  for  the  present,  but 
also  for  the  future;  it  makes  itself  suspected. 
For  their  accusers  already,  to  gain  credence 
for  their  word,  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  Jews 
had  already  in  former  times  snatched  to  them- 
selves a  great  worldly  power.  0  that  the  con- 
gregation might  not  be  so  much  denied  by  their 
own  and  their  forefathers'  sins  !  how  much 
more  irreproachably,  powerfully  and  charmingly 
would  they  be  able  to  carry  out  their  work  of 
missions  in  the  world. 

Vers.  17-23.  The  Persian  king  Artaxerxes 
commanded  that  the  building  of  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem  should  cease.  We  might  ask  how  it 
was  possible  that  the  only  true  God,  the  Lord 
of  heaven  and  earth,  should  make  the  lot  of  His 
people,  and  accordingly  the  history  of  His  king- 
dom dependent  upon  the  command  of  the  king 
of  Persia;  that  He  should  allow  His  people,  and 
indeed  His  cause  in  general,  to  fall  into  such 
dependence  upon  men,  and  indeed  heathen'? 
But  this  is  indeed  His  method.  Even  the  indi- 
vidual is  allowed  a  free  and  determining  influ- 
ence upon  his  action.  And  in  the  very  fact  that 
He  limits  Himself,  makes  Himself  dependent, 
lets  Himself  be  satisfied,  so  that  the  world  may 
enjoy  an  independent,  true  existence,  and  men 
may  have  a  real  freedom,  He  shows  His  highest 
and  best  greatness.  Only  the  false  God,  the 
one  merely  conceived,  is  the  entirely  unlimited 
one  who  takes  away  every  freedom  of  the  crea- 
ture, who  wills  and  does  everything  himself, 
and  thereby  becomes  of  the  nature  of  the  crea- 
ture and  sinful.  It  is  shown  here  so  truly  how 
that  which  is  truly  great  and  important  may  be 
externally  weak  and  inversely. 

Ver.  24.  When  Cyrus  had  given  the  congre- 
gation permission  to  return  and  build  the  tem- 
ple of  the  Lord,  it  almost  appeared  as  if  already 
heathenism  was  capable  and  ready  under  the 
circumstanoes  to  establish  a  free  church  in  a 
free  state.     But  when  afterwards  the  building 


was  obliged  to  stop  and  regain  so  long  unfi- 
nished, when  so  to  speak  the  Church  must  lie 
down  in  ch  tins,  the  saying  of  the  free  church  in 
the  free  state  became  a  fable,  and  as  such  must  it 
ever  anew  prove  itself  to  be.  The  interests  and 
also  the  callings  of  the  Si  ate  and  the  Church  are  in- 
V  dved  in  loo  many  ways  and  in  too  close  relations 
for  the  former  not  to  claim  when  il  has  the  power 
an  oversight  of  the  latter  and  an  influence  upon 
it.  The  most  favorable  thing  for  the  Church  is 
ever  the  Christian  State,  which  really  wishes 
ihe  Church  well  and  ministers  to  it;  as  the  last 
thing,  however,  it  has  to  expect  the  antichris- 
tian  state,  which  restrains  it,  persecutes  it,  and 
where  it  is  possible,  enchains  and  destroys  it. 

[The  author's  view  of  the  relations  between 
Church  and  State  are  the  usual  ones  prevailing 
on  the  continent  of  Europe  and  among  State- 
church  men  in  Great  Britain.  It  has  been  suffi- 
ciently proved,  however,  in  the  United  States 
and  the  British  colonies  that  a  free  Church  in  a 
free  State  is  no  fable,  but  a  historical  fact,  and 
a  condition  in  which  the  Church  is  purest, 
strongest  and  most  dominant  in  the  land  through 
the  Christianizing  influence  that  it  freely  exerts 
on  all  classes  of  the  community.  And  whilst 
Church  and  State  are  closely  related  in  many 
questions  of  morals  and  religion,  in  education,  in 
marriage  and  divorce,  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath,  questions  of  property,  individual 
rights,  etc.,  and  conflict  will  more  or  less  arise, 
yet  the  relations  will  become  more  and  more 
accurately  defined  without  interfering  with  the 
prerogatives  of  either.  Comp.  the  section  on 
Church  and  State  in  the  Evangelical  Alliance 
proceedings,  N.  1".,  1873. — Tit.] 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-3.  The  Church  cannot  receive  every 
one  into  her  communion  or  suffer  all  to  remain 
therein.     Her  duty  to  excommunicate  is  shown: 

1)  From  what  would  happen  if  she  excluded 
none — they  would  be  made  to  conform  to  the 
world  by  the  worldly-minded;  'a)  From  what 
happens  when  they  do  exclude  them — they  ma- 
nifest the  worldly  disposition  in  their  hearts, 
and  do  much  damage  by  their  hostility;  but 
they  cannot  ruin  the  congregation:  the  possi- 
bility remains  that  they  themselves  may  be  the 
subjects  of  saving  influences. — Starke:  No  one 
should  enter  into  communion  in  religious  mat- 
ters with  strange  and  false  religious  opinions, 
2  Cor.  vi.  14;  Tit.  iii.  10.  Tale-bearers  and 
fvlse  and  wicked  talkers  are  cursed;  for  they 
perplex  those  who  enjoy  good  peace  (Sir.  xxviii. 
15),  and  invent  villany,  Ps.  !x  v.  7;  cxl.  4. 
The  Church  of  God  and  its  members  suffer 
greater  injury  by  false  friends  than  by  open 
enemies,  Ps.  xli.  10;   2  Cor.  xi.  26. 

Vers.  1-5.  The  duty  of  the  congregation  to  be 
apparently  intolerant:  1)  Towards  whom — even 
against  many  who  would  enjoy  its  communion; 

2)  how — excluding  that  which  is  excluded  by 
its  entire  character  and  then  bearing  whatever 
evil   is   ascribed   to    them    on   account   of   this  ; 

3)  for  what  purpose — in  order  to  preserve  its 
best  things  and  thereby  at  the  proper  time'  like- 
wise offer  salvation  to  their  enemies. — Bren- 
tius;  Ejusdem  farime  sunt,   qui  nunc  hujus  nunc 


06 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


illius  relijionis  sunt.  Injustum  est ;  qui  fides  est 
persuasio  certa  de  divinis  promissionibus.  Hi 
autem,  cum  hine  inde  fiuctuent,  non  habent  fidem. 
— The  foolisU  behaviour  of  the  world  towards 
the  Lord's  people:  1)  The  world  would  belong 
to  the  Lord's  people,  and  yet  not  be  converted 
unto  God;  2)  They  seek  to  set  aside  the  wor- 
ship of  the  true  God,  and  yet  can  prosper  only 
in  the  light  that  streams  forth  from  it. 

Vers.  7—16.  The  charges  raised  by  the  world 
against  the  people  of  God ;  their  apparent  jus- 
tice and  their  lack  of  grounds.  1)  The  congre- 
gation builds  itself  at  present  not  with  peaceful, 
but  rebellious  disposition:  in  fact,  it  must  obey 
God  rather  than  men;  but  they  know  also  how 
falsely  thi3  word  is  applied  by  those  who  have 
forgotten  that  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  is  not 
of  this  world.  2)  They  have  in  past  times  con- 
stantly sought  after  worldly  power,  and  have 
been  guilty  of  manifold  encroachments;  in  fact, 
the  Church  has  at  first  more  and  more  taken  a 
political  form  and  equipped  itself  with  external 
worldly  power ;  but  the  consciousness  that  accord- 
ing to  its  own  idea  something  different  was  more 
appropriate  has  never  been  able  to  be  entirely  sup- 
pressed. 3)  The  church  will,  if  it  have  its  own  way, 
in  future  endanger  the  existence  of  the  state;  in 
fact,  it  cannot  acquiesce  in  the  state  as  it  is;  the 
church  must  seek  to  gain  power  over  the  king, 
but  in  a  spiritual  sense;  not  with  power,  but 
kindness;  not  from  without,  but  from  within. 
It  would  not  oppress,  but  change,  transform, 
glorify. — Brf.ntius:  Vide,  mirabilem  piorum  sor- 
tem  in  hoc  s:cculo.  Pii  sunt,  propter  guos  omnia 
bona  hominibus  hvjus  scculi  eveniunt.  Attamen  ac- 
cusantur,  quod  soli  hi  sint,  propter  quos  omnia  mala, 
bella,  fames  et  seditiones  eveniant. — Stakke:  God's 
church  has  at  all  times  been  subjected  to  false 
accusations.  Christ  and  His  apostles  could 
give   sufficient   witness    of    this.      Let   us    only 


avoid  the  doing,  the  lie  is  good  counsel,  Acts 
xxiv.   5  sq. 

Vers.  14—24.  The  church's  independence  of  tho 
state.  God  makes  His  church  dependent  on  tho 
world:  1)  on  its  own  account  to  glorify  its  faith 
and  to  exercise  its  patience;  2)  for  His  own  sake 
in  order  to  bring  it  to  a  proper  conception  of  the 
fact  that  it  does  not  need  external  majesty  and 
power,  a  magnificent  cultus,  etc.;  3)  for  the  sake 
of  the  world — that  it  may  learn  to  see  that  tho 
church  cannot,  be  suppressed  by  it,  that  there  is 
something  higher  than  it  can  reach  with  all  its 
power.  —  Starke:  God  often  lets  it  happen 
that  a  good  intention  is  interrupted  by  the 
craft  of  enemies,  iu  order  to  try  His  believers. 
Magistrates  are  God's  officers.  If,  however,  they 
do  not  properly  fulfil  their  office,  a  severe  judg- 
ment will  pass  over  them,  Wisd.  vi.  5,  6.  God  is 
a  long-suffering  God  who  allows  Himself  to  be 
interfered  .with  and  presents  Himself  as  a  hero 
who  is  faint-hearted  (Jer.  xiv.  9),  but  He  will 
wake  up  some  time,  Sir.  xvii.  19. 

[Scott:  Every  vigorous  and  successful  attempt 
to  revive  true  religion  will  excite  the  opposition  of 
Satan  and  of  the  children  of  disobedience  in  whom 
he  worketh. — Henry:  The  worst  enemies  Judah 
and  Benjamin  had  were  those  that  said  tbey  were 
Jews  and  were  not,  Rev.  iii.  9. — Take  heed  who 
we  go  partners  with,  and  on  whose  hand  we 
lean.  While  we  trust  God  with  a  pious  confi- 
dence, we  must  trust  men  with  a  prudent  jea- 
lousy and  caution. —See  how  watchful  the  church's 
euemies  are  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of  doing 
it  a  mischief.  Let  not  its  friends  be  less  careful 
to  do  it  a  kindness. — A  secret  enmity  to  Christ 
and  His  gospel  is  oft  gilded  over  with  a  pre- 
tended affection  to  Ctesar  and  his  power. — At 
some  times  the  church  has  suffered  more  by  the 
coldness  of  its  friends  than  by  the  heat  of  its 
enemies;  hut  both  together  conimouly  make 
church  work  slow  work. — Tn.] 


THIRD    SECTION. 

The  Resumption  of  the  Work  of  Building  the  Temple  and  its  completion. 

Chapters  V.  VI. 

A  —THE   RESUMPTION   OF   THE   WORK   AND   THE  REPORT    OF   TIIE   OFFICIALS   TO 

DARIUS. 

Chapter  V.  1-17. 
I.    The  Resumption  of  the  Work  of  Building  the  Temple.     Vers.  1-5. 

1  Then  the  prophets,  Haggai  the  prophet,  and  Zschariah  the  son  of  Iddo,  prophe- 
sied unto  the  Jews  that  were  in  Judah  and  Jerusalem  in  the  name  of  the  God  of 

2  Israel,  even  unto  them.     Then  rose  up  Zsrubbabel  the  sou  of  Shealtiel,  and  Jeshua 
son  of  Jozadak,  and  began  to  build  the  house  of  God  which  is  at  Jerusalem :  and 

3  with  them  were  the  prophets  of  G.;d  helping  them.     At  the  same  time  came  to  them 
Tatnai,  governor  on  this  side  the  river,  and  Shethar-boznai,  and  their  companions, 


chap.  v.  l-iT. 


57 


and  said  thus  unto  them,  Who  hath  commanded  you  to  build   this   house,  and  to 

4  make  up  this  wall  ?     Then  said   we  unto  them  after  this  manner,  What  are  the 

5  names  of  the  men  that  make  this  building  ?  But  the  eye  of  their  God  was  upon 
the  elders  of  the  Jews,  that  they  could  not  cause  them  to  cease,  till  the  matter  came 
to  Darius :  and  then  they  returned  answer  by  letter  concerning  this  matter. 


II.    The  Report  ■/  the  officials.    Vers.  6-17. 

f>  The  copy  of  the  letter  that  Tatuai,  governor  oil  this  side  the  river,  and  Shethar- 
boznai,  and  his  companions  the  Apharsachites,  which  were  on  this  side  the  river, 

7  sent  unto  Darius  the  king  :     They  sent  a  letter  unto  him,  wherein  was  written  thus  ; 

8  Unto  Darius  the  king,  all  peace.  Be  it  known  unto  the  king,  that  we  went  into  the 
province  of  Judea,  to  the  house  of  the  great  God,  which  is  builded  with  great  stoues, 
and  timber  is  laid  in  the  walls,  and  this  work  goeth  fast  on,  aud  prospereth  in  their 

9  hands.     Then  asked  we  those  elders,  and  said  unto  them  thus,   Who   commanded 

10  you  to  build  this  house,  aud  to  make  up  these  walls  ?  We  asked  their  names  also, 
to  certify  thee,  that  we  might  write  the  names  of  the  men  that  were  the   chief  of 

11  them.  And  thin  they  returned  us  answer,  saying,  We  are  the  servants  of  the  God 
of  heaven  and  earth,  and  build  'the  house  that  was  builded  these  many  years  ago, 

12  which  a  great  king  of  Israel  builded  and  set  up.  But  after  that  our  fathers  had 
provoked  the  God  of  heaven  unto  wrath,  he  gave  them  into  the  hand  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar the  king  of  Babylon,  the  Chaldean,  who  destroyed  this  house,  aud  carried 

13  the  people  away  into  Babylon.     But  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  the  king  of  Babylon, 

14  the  same  king  Cyrus  made  a  decree  to  build  this  house  of  God.  And  the  vessels 
also  of  gold  and  silver  of  the  house  of  God,  which  Nebuchadnezzar  took  out  of  the 
temple  that  was  in  Jerusalem,  and  brought  them  into  the  temple  of  Babylon,  those 
did  Cyrus  the  king  take  out  of  the  temple  of  B  ibylon,  and  they  were  delivered  unto 

15  ime,  whose  name  was  Sheshbazzar,  whom  he  had  made  governor ;  And  said  unto 
him,  Take  these  vessels,  go,  carry  them  into  the  temple  that  it  in  Jerusalem,  and 

16  let  the  house  of  God  be  builded  in  his  place.  Then  came  the  same  Sheshbazzar, 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  house  of  God  which  it  in  Jerusalem  :  and  since  that 

17  time  even  until  now  hath  it  been  in  building,  and  yet  it  is  not  finished.  Now  there- 
fore, if  it  seem  good  to  the  king,  let  there  be  search  made  in  the  kiug's  treasure 
house,  which  is  there  at  Babylon,  whether  it  be  so,  that  a  decree  was  made  of  Cyru3 
the  king  to  build  this  house  of  God  at  Jerusalem,  and  let  the  king  send  his  plea- 
sure to  us  concerning  this  matter. 


EXEOETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1—5.  The  author  now  narrates  in  the 
closest  connection  with  the  last  verse  of  the  pre- 
vious chapter  how  it  came  to  pass  that  the  work 
of  building,  which  had  been  interrupted,  was  re- 
sumed. 

Ver.  1.  Then  the  prophets.  Haggai,  the 
prophet  and  Zechariah  — We  learn  also  from 
Haggai  himself  that  the  congregation  at  that 
time  needed  prophetic  admonition.  At  first  the 
most  of  them  had,  without  doubt,  with  great  re- 
luctance allowed  the  building  to  remain  unfi- 
nished, but  gradually  had  lost  the  desire  thereto, 
caring  only  for  their  own  interests,  such  as  the 
erection  of  their  own  houses  in  as  beautiful  a 
mauuer  as  possible.  Notwithstanding  this,  bow- 
ever,  some  of  them  had  still  such  devotion  to  the 
Lord  and  zeal  for  His  worship,  that  the  prophetic 
office  was  possible,  and  there  was  relatively  a 
great  susceptibility  for  it.  rtX'3J  in  Hebrew 
K'?3n,  seems  to  have  been  almost  a  surname  of 
Haggai,  chap.  vi.  14;  Hag.  i.  1.  The  plural 
"  the  prophets,"  which  in  the  Hebrew  text  fol- 
lows Zechariah  son  of  Iddo,  as  if  Haggai  had  not 


yet  been  called  prophet,  is  in  favor  of  this  view. 
The  preposition  7J£  after  "prophesied,"  does 
not  denote  hostility,  but  simply  the  direction  of 
the  address,  "unto"  (comp.  2  Chron.  xx.  37;  1 
Kings  xxii.  8,  etc.),  as  is  sufficiently  clear  from 
the  contents  of  the  prophecies. — The  Jews  that 
were  in  Judah  and  Jerusalem. — Thus  they 
are  designated  to  distinguish  them  from  those 
who  remained  behind  in  Chaldea.  At  the  same 
time  it  indicates  those  who  had  undertaken  the 

task  of  buildiug  the  temple.  fin'Sj*  is  a  closer 
designation  of  the  name  of  God,  so  thai  the  rela- 
tive might  be  supplied  before  ii :  Who  was 
over  them  (comp.  chap.  iii.  3,  etc.).  which  cha- 
racterizes them  as  those  who  belonged  to  God. 
(Isa.  iv.  1  and  Jer.  iv.  16).  who  leads  them,  urges 
them  on  and  encourages  them.* 

Ver.  2.  Then  rose  up  Zerubbabel — They 
now  had  an  i  xpress  command  of  God,  which  al- 
ready in  itself  was  an  advantage;  now  moreover 
they   could   no   longer   doubt   that   the   building 


*  [Rawlins  >n  in  toco  more  properly  renders  in  accord- 
ance with  the  current  Hebrew  phrase  '■  which  was  upon 
them,"  that  is,  having  God's  name  called  upon  them. 
-Ta.] 


58 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


would  succeed. — And  began  to  build — Pro- 
per, y  it  should  have  been  :  They  -e-couiineuced, 
but  we  might  disregard  the  fact  tuat  DJ3  readily 
—rebuild,  for  the  first  beginning  was  so  long 
before,  and  had  had  such  little  success,  that  it  no 
longer  came  into  consideration. 

Ver.  3.  At  the  same  time. — Now  again  they 
were  threatened  with  interruption.  NJfpT  H3, 
at  it,  the  time,  =  at  the  same  time.  Comp.  Dan. 
iii.  7,  9  ;  iv.  33.*  Again  Persian  officials  arrive, 
but  at  this  time  only  do  their  duty. — Tatnai, 
governor  on  this  side  the  river,  of  the  en- 
tire province  to  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,  out- 
ranked Zerubbabel,  whom  Cyrus  had  appointed 
governor  of  Judah  (comp.  ver.  14).  He  was 
perhaps  unacquainted  with  the  mission  of  Ze- 
rubbabel, because  he  had  come  into  his  office  at 
a  subsequent  period  to  him. — Shethar  Boznai 
who  accompanied  him,  is  not  designated  indeed 
as  Shimshai  (chap.  iv.  8  sq.),  e.  g.,  as  scribe  or 
chancellor,  but  the  entire  appearance  is  in  favor 
of  his  being  likewise  a  magistrate. — Their  com- 
panions, however,  who  in  ver.  6  are  especially 
culled  his  companions,  that  is,  Shetbar-Boznai's 
companions,  and  are  named  the  Apharsachites, 
are  according  to  ver.  6  likewise  government  offi- 
cials, probably  of  a  lower  grade.  At  this  time 
also  the  Samaritans  may  have  been  at  work  in 
that  they  had  called  attention  to  the  building  of 
tlie  temple  in  Jerusalem,  but  now  they  were  no 
longer  able  to  fill  the  officials  with  hostile  senti- 
ments. They  simply  inquire  who  hath  com- 
manded you  to  build  this  house  ? — $037 
here  and  in  ver.  13  is  a  singular  form,  since  the 
infin.  in  Chald.  is  $033  (comp.  vers.  2,  17;  ch. 
vi.  8),  or  iTJ3D,  comp.  chapter  v.  9.  R.  Norzi 
has  here  and  in  ver.  13  a  dagesh  in  the  3,  but 
there  cannot  be  an  assimilation  of  the  0  because 
it  has  a  vowel.  It  may  be  that  the  language  was 
not  entirely  fixed  in  its  usage  of  D  in  the  infin., 
as  it  is  here  absent  from  the  infin.  in  Peal.,  to 
which  elsewhere  it  is  peculiar,  so  it  has  been  at 
times  prefixed  to  the  Pael  and  Aphel,  before 
which  it  is  usually  absent,  and  always  to  the 
infinitive  of  the  passive  conjugations  in  the  later 
Targums.  Comp.  Winer,  Gram.,  $  12.  [Luz- 
zatto  Gram.,  %  88. — Tr.].  [Rawlinson,  in  loco. 
"  There  was  no  doubt  a  formal  illegality  in  the 
conduct  of  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua;  since  all 
edicts  of  Persian  kings  continued  in  force  unless 
revoked  by  their  successors.  But  they  felt  jus- 
tified in  disobeying  the  decree  of  the  Pseudo- 
Sinenlis,  because  the  opposition  between  his  re- 
ligions views  and  those  of  his  successors  was  a 
matter  of  notoriety.  (See  Ancient  Monarchies, 
IV. p. 405)." — Te.].  JO^tfN,  a  word  of  doubtful 
etymology,  is  in  Esdras  rendered  by  rr)v  artynv 
ra'vTJjv  KaL  ra  ak\a  navra  (the  beams  and  all  the 
rest),  in  the  Sept.  on  the  other  hand  by  rqv  xnf"l- 
yiav  Ta'vrrn>  (this  sacred  service  =  this  building). 
These  derivations  in  the  versions  makes  it  pro- 
hable  that  there  was  no  fixed  tradition  respecting 
the  meaning;  the  one  rendering  being  as  much 
guess  work  as  the  other.     The  Vulg.,  Syriac  and 

*  (Suffix  with  prep,  before  its  noun  has  this  foree  in 
Aramaic,  Highs'  Manual,  j)  49.  3.  Comp.  Cowper,  Syriac. 
Oram.,  \  2U3,  6.— Ta.] 


the  Rabbius  have  explained  if  as  "  walls,"  which 
might  well  be  the  nust  suitable  and  correct,  ha- 
ving as  its  root  not  "IEW  (Gesen.),  but  WK  more 
properly  j?!?X  (firm,  strong). 

Ver.  4.  Then  said  we  unto  them. — Here 
the  Masoretic  text  gives  at  once  the  answer  of 
the  Jews.  But  this  text  is  in  more  than  one  re- 
spect singular.  The  first  person  might  be  ex- 
plained, it  is  true,  very  well  as  having  come  from 
the  use  of  an  aucient  document,  whose  author 
had  taken  part  in  the  building.  But  1DX  should 
be  followed  by  the  direct  discourse,  whilst  the 
indirect  is  used,  so  that  we  must  translate,  not, 
then  we  said,  but  then  said  we  to  them,  what  the 
names  of  the  men  were.  Besides,  if  the  Jews  here 
Bpake,  that  is,  answered  to  the  question  in  ver. 
3,  instead  of  referring  to  the  names  of  the  men, 
we  should  expect  another  answer.  It.  is  natural 
therefore  with  Bertheau  to  conjecture  that  the 
text  has  been  corrupted  in  some  way,  that  is  to 
say  that  the  first  person  is  incorrect,  as  it  were, 
has  come  over  from  ver.  9,  instead  of  which  we 
must  read  here  the  third  person,  so  that  the  Per- 
sian officials  still  continue:  then  said  they  to  them, 
what  are  the  names  of  the  men,  etc.,  as  from  the 
start  we  might  expect,  according  to  vers.  9  and 
10.  It  is  possible  then  that  likewise  j'TX,  which 
would  separate  almost  too  much  the  second  part 
of  the  address  from  the  first  in  ver.  3,  is  a  mis- 
take likewise.  The  Sept.  and  Esilras  already 
have  regarded  the  verse  as  a  que  stion  of  the  Per- 
sian officials,  the  former  translating:  t6tc  ravra 
eiKoaa\',  the  latter,  in  that  it  passes  over  entirely 
the  first  four  words.  It  is  true  that  the  ob- 
jection might  be  raised,  that  then  there  is  no  an- 
swer on  the  part  of  the  Jews.  But  this  might 
have  been  omitted  with  reference  to  ver.  11.  The 
names  of  the  men  were  important  to  the  officials, 
for  they  had  to  know  whom  the  king  was  to  hold 
responsible.  Instead  of  nriOT  the  more  accu- 
rate editions  have  r\T\OU. 
t  t  : 

Ver.  5.  The  eye  of  their  God  was  upon 
the  elders  of  the  Jews. — This  is  theprelimi- 
minary  result,  producing  for  them  mildness  on 
the  part  of  the  officials,  and  securing  them  from 
interruption.  The  eye  is  used  instead  of  the 
hand,  because  the  Providence  and  Wisdom  of 
God  above  nil  came  into  consideration.  Comp. 
Ps.  xxxiv.  10;  Zech.  iv.  10;  1  Peter  iii.  2.  The 
j'3ty,  corresponding  with  the  D'JpJ  in  Hebrew, 
are  at  the  same  time  the  D'lt?  chap.  x.  8. — Un- 
til  the  report  came  to  Darius,  and  they 
then  brought  back  a  letter  concerning 
the  matter. — Bertheau  understood  it  as:  Un- 
til a  command  arrived  from  Darius,  etc.  But 
□>'£3  need  not  be  the  royal  decree.  Although 
this  word  does  not  assume  the  wider  sense  of 
causa  (Keil).  it  yet  has  the  meaning  of  ratio,  and 
indeed  also  in  the  sense  of  account  (or  likewise 
of  consideration)  NO^'B  3H\  Dan.  vi.  3  =  give 
account.  Thus  it  may  be  used  here  for  a  report, 
by  which  officers  would  give  their  king  an  ac- 
count, of  an  important  occurrence,  and  their  ob- 
servation of  it  The  7  before  Darius  cannot  be 
a  circumlocution  of  the  genitive — it  is  thus  used 
only  in  designations  of  time.     On  the  other  hand 


CHAP.   V.   1-1 T. 


&J 


its  use  with  ^]7l1  t0  g've  luo  end,  is  entirely  as- 
sured. Comp.  cliup.  vii.  13,  etc.  Finally,  if  it 
did  pot  mean  "  to  Darius,"  the  T7H  alone  would 
be  too  indefinite.  As  well  Esdras  as  the  Sep- 
tuagint  also  Inis,  therefore,  although  rendering 
freely,  properly  understood  it  as  a  report  to  D.i- 
rius.  Naturally,  however,  these  words  are  only 
preparatory  for  Ihe  following  clause:  "Until 
they  bring  buck  a  letler,  etc.",  which  really  for 
the  first  expresses  the  limit  of  time  meant.     }rv 

imperf.  ofjSn  (comp.  chap.  vi.  6;  vii.  13)  is  re 
ferr  d  by  Winer.  \  25,  to  a  special  root  tfnn.  It 
is  possible,  however,  that  as  usually  (he  n  is 
absorbed  at  the  beginning,  so  here  Ihe  7  of  l/H 
and  thus  we  have  ^H'  for  S]7iT.*  The  letter  to 
be  brought  hack,  was  certainly  to  come  from  Da- 
rius, there  is  no  occasion  lo  think  of  one  from 
Tatnai,  etc.,  unless  it  is  already  supposed  that 
there  is  a  royal  command  in  D£i3.  The  subject 
ot  pynj  is  indefinite  "they." 

Vers.  6-17.  The  report  of  the  officers  to  Cyrus 
in  vers.  6,  7,  at  first,  precisely  like  chap.  iv.  8-1 1 , 
has  the  superscription  which  thisletter  probably 
received  already  in  the  collection  of  documents 
at  Jerusalem. — These  are  the  contents  of 
the  letter  that  Tatnai  — Shetbar  boznai 
and  his  companions  the  Apharsachites — 
We  must  leave  in  doubt  the  question  why  Ihe 
Apharsachites  (comp  iv.  9)  are  especially  men- 
tioned as  the  companions  of  Shethar-bozeai, 
which  here  means  either  lower  officials  or  as  it 
were  men  of  the  same  race,  or  else  people  espe- 
cially attached  to  him.f 

Ver.   7.    They   sent  a  report — X0jH3  ac- 

T  T  :  • 

cording  to  its  etymol^gv  (comp.  iv.  17)  is  used 
in  the  same  sense  as  D.PO  in  ver.  5,  e.g.,  report, 

message.     Jwb  is  loosely  connected   with   (O^t? 

°  T  *  TT : 

=  peace,  hence  peace  universally  =  peace  in  its 
fulness. 

Ver.  8.  Be  it  known  unto  the  king. — The 
letter  in  iv.  12  began  in  the  same  way.  The  pre- 
sent letter  however  is  distinguished  by  the  fact 
that  it  gives  first  of  all  a  simple  objective  report. 
Judah  is  called  a  rU'TD  (see  ii.  1),  the  god  of  the 
Jews,  the  great  God. — It  is  not  probab'.e  how- 
ever that  they,  like  the  Samaritans  (iv.  1)  actually 
paid  a  certain  degree  of  reverence  to  him,  rather 
the  deep  reverence  of  the  Jews  made  such  an  im- 
pression upon  them  that  they  supposed  He  must 
be  an  especially  great  God  (namely,  for  His  wor- 
shippers). What  they  say  respecting  the  building, 
is  manifestly  to  show  that  the  work  was  well- 
done,   in  a  strong,   stately   manner. — Of  great 

stones. — 773  px  here  the  accusative  of  mate- 

T  :      1  V  V 

rial  is  the  stone  which  was  too  heavy  to  lift,  and 
which  could  only  be  rolled  along  ;  thus  very  heavy 
and  large  stones  (as  chap.  vi.  4),  which  were  only 
taken  for  great  buildings,  designed  to  last  a  very 
long  time.  The  Sept.  empbasizeshy  its  translation 
?u&oi  enl.sKTol,  the  excellence  of  the  material ;  Es- 

*  (So  Luzatto  Oram..  ?  104.  This  is  the  better  inter- 
pretation of  the  form. — Tr.] 

t  [Rawlinaon,  in  luco.  regards  them  as  Persians  or  fo- 
reign settlers  in  Samaria  generally. — Te.] 


dras  vi.  9,  by  its  translation  MAVm  ^earbc  troTivre- 
'/.etc  at  the  same  time  the  labor  appl  ed  to  them, 
as  well  as  their  cosilinc.-s. — And  timber  is  laid 
in  the  walls.  —  Berth,  understands  by  this  the 
placing  of  beams  in  the  walls,  that  is.  in  the  par- 
titions, [Rawl'tison,  in  loco,  "parly  walls"],  or 
likewise  the  erection  of  the  scaffolding  on  the 
out  r  walls.  But  the  expressions  indicate  ra- 
ther the  inlaying  of  ihe  walls  wi;h  wood  work  ar- 
tistically finished  (comp.  iTIWlS  l's.  lxxiv.  6), 
t  mis  according  I o  the  view  of  the  writer  represent 
the  building  as  one  erected  with  great  care.  It 
is  true  the  work  had  not  made  such  progress,  in 
fact  that  ihe  walls,  which  themselves  were  first 
built  of  the  great  stones,  could  have  been  already 
inlaid.  But  if  is  probable  that  the  zeal,  which 
is  clearly  enough  attested  by  Haggai,  manifested 
itself  likewise  in  this  way,  that  those  skilled  in 
wainscoting  went  at  once  to  work,  since  more- 
over it  was  necessary  to  make  as  great  has'e  as 
possible  on  account  of  the  threatened  interrup- 
tion. The  haste  is  expressly  referred  to  by  the 
officials  in  the  last  words — and  this  work  go- 
eth  fast  on— n:i30N  (comp.  vi.  8,  12,  13;  vii. 

T  :  -  :  T    v  r 

17,  21,  2G)  is  explained  from  the  Persian,  and 
means  properly,  very  active.  DN  is  probah'y  the 
ancient  Persian  us  or  os,  Sanscrit  ut,  whicli  ex- 
presses intensity;  as  our  "  vevy  "  and  parna 
is  an  adjective  from  the  ancient  Persian  par, 
Zend  pere  =  do,  complete.    Comp.  Haug.  a.  a.  0. 

The  subject  of  rni'O,  it  prospereth  is  not  the 
form  riHTJ^  (comp.  vi.  14;  Dan.  vi.  29),  but 
"it." 

Vers.  9,  10  then  give  an  account  at  first  of 
their  question. — Then  asked  we  those  el- 
ders.— Y>H,  those  who,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
were  in  Jerusalem  at  the  head,  ver.  10,  at  their 
head.— QiVl^X  '3  is  more  naturally  explained  as 
at  their  head  (comp.  2  Chron.  xx.  2),  than:  in 
their  capacity  as  the'r  heads  (Berth.,  Ceil).  [A. 
V.,  -'that  were  the  chief  of  them"}.  The  latter  in- 
terpretation of  3  is  in  itself  doubtful,  especially 
moreover,  since  no  verb  is  given  with  it.  The 
plural,  expressed  by  the  vowels,  maybe  explained 
by  ihe  fact  that  they  worked  in  different  groups, 
namely,  by  families  (comp.  Neh.  iii. ) 

Ver.  11  sq.  gives  the  answer  of  the  heads  cf 
the  Jews. — And  thus  they  made  us  the  re- 
port, namely,  the  one  required.  *lp~'"'  =  *JR7 
— We  are  the  servants  of  the  God  of  hea- 
ven.— The  pleonastic  suffix  of  'riH2j/  empha- 
sizes very  strongly  the  fact,  no*  that  they  above 
all  others  and  alone  are  servants  of  God  (Berth.) 
but  that  they  above  all  others  are  servants  of  the 
Go  I  of  heaven,  and  not  of  any  lower  being. 
They  therefore  expressly  designate  God  as  the 
Goil  of  heaven  and  earth,  that  is,  the  highest; 
yea,  properly  the  only  true  God.  They  would 
witiiout  doubt  Bhow  the  officers  that  they  had 
good  grounds  and  were  very  well  entitled  to 
build  their  temple,  and  that  those  would  do  wrong 
who  should  oppose  their  undertaking.  (In  this 
account  therefore  they  add  that  their  God  had 
had  this  house  long  ago,  and  in  it  had  long  ago 
possessed  a  worthy  place  of  worship. — And  we 


60 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


build  the  house  that  was  built. — not  M3fin, 
it  was  once  built,  but  NJ3  X1H,  it  was  built  anJ 
continued  to  be  a  place  of  worship — these  many 
years  ago. — H:"l  np"lpJ3  =  before  this  (present) 
time. — A  great  king  of  Israel  built  and  com- 
pleted it. — It  would  have  been  an  evidence 
against  their  God  if  He  had  not  provided  Him- 
self with  a  worthy  place  of  worship  in  ancient 
times,  and  had  not  made  the  king  of  his  people 
great  and  mighty.  They  say  intentionally  not  the 
great  king  Solomon,  but  a  great  king  (the  geni- 
tive relation  being  expressed  by  7);  they  thus 
emphasize  better  the  idea  itself,  that  the  king 
was  a  great  one. 

Ver.  12.  It  is  true  the  temple  has  been  de- 
stroyed, but  this  does  not  show  any  weakness  in 
their  God.  but  rather  His  holiness. — On  this 
account,  because  our  fathers  provoked.— 

\?h  does  not  refer  to  that  which  precedes,  but  to 
what  follows,  for  it  is  used  in  its  usual  sense  of 
"on  this  account,"  and  is  here  really  =  only 
on  this  account.  It  does  not  follow  from  the  fact 
that  it  sometimes  has  the  sense  of  "but"  after  ne- 
gative expressions,  that  it  may  also  be  an  adver- 
sative particle,  and  mean  "nevertheless,"  "how- 
ever," "yet."  'TIDi  however,  is  here  not  in 
the  temporal  sense,  [A.  V.  after  that'],  for  then  it 
would  express  very  vaguely  the  idea:  since  that 
the  fathers  had  already  provoked  God  long  be- 
fore He  abandoned  His  temple;  but  it  is  here  in 
its  usual  causal  sense  "  because."  JO  may  be 
very  properly  used  in  this  sense,  comp.  Hebrew 
TtfXO,  Isa.  xliii.  4.  "lf)3  =  to  conceal,  then  like 
the  Hebrew  Tn3il  to  destroy.  It  is  true  it  is 
only  used  here  in  the  Bible  in  this  sense,  but  in 
the  Targums  occurs  quite  frequently.  HHJ^ 
might,  if  it  had  the  suffix,  that  is,  if  the  n  were 
pointed  with  niappiq,  mean  simply,  "the  people 
of  the  land;"  JHX  is  often  to  be  supplied.  Yet 
the  Massora  remarks,  that  mappiq  is  not  to  be 
written,  and  R.  Norzai  and  J.  H.  Mich,  have  left, 
it  out,  so  that  the  H  is  to  be  taken  as  a  represen- 
tative of  the  X,  as  is  often  the  case  in  this  book. 

Ver.  13.  But  in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus. — 
When  the  predestined  time  of  chastisement  had 
passed  the  Lord  Himself  was  able  to  gain  recog- 
nition from  Cyrus,  so  that  now  the  restoration 
of  His  temple  has  a  good  and  assured  founda- 
tion. Comp.  chaps,  i.  2;  vi.  3.  IM37>  as  chap, 
v.  3. 

Ver.  14.  And  the  vessels  also — did  Cyrus 
the  king  take. — So  great  was  the  recognition 
that  Cyrus  gave  to  the  true  God,  that  he  not  only 
allowed  II  is  veneration,  but  furthered  it  with  offer- 
ings, so  that  the  building  of  the  temple,  unless  the 
vessels  were  to  remain  without  a  suitable  place, 

became  so  much  the  more  necessary.  KITH 
is  here  used  as  at  the  first,  so  naturally  also  the 
second  and  third  time  in  the  sense  of   temple. 

Comp.  VrnK  JV3,  chap.  ii.  7.  '3'rH  is  probably 
the  conjugated  passive  participle  =  and  they 
were  given,  not  the  active  preterite  =  they  gave, 
for  the  indefin.suhject  with  sing,  (against  Berth.). 


In  the  last  case  we  would  expect  lSil  after  the 
object,  which  is  not  elsewhere  in  such  cases 
omitted:  moreover,  the  yod  in  the  second  sylla- 
ble has  usually  only  an  intrans.  or  passive  signi- 
fication.— Whose  name  is  Sheshbazzar — 
thus  indefinitely,  as  we  would  say,  to  Sheshbaz- 
zar, as  he  is  called.  For  this  name  see  chap.  i.  8. 
As  in  Hag.  i.  1,  etc.,  so  here  Zeruhbabel  is  desig- 
nated as  Pechah,  whilst  in  chap.  i.  8  as  prince 
ot'Judah,  N'Ba 

•    T 

Ver.  15.  And  he  said  unto  him,  Take 
these  vessels. — In  connection  with  giving  out 
the  vessels  Cyrus  expressly  ordained  the  build- 
ing of  the  temple.  Instead  of  HyS,  the  Qeri  is 
here  as  in  1  Chron.  xx.  8,  IX-  The  three  un- 
connected imperatives,  "take,  go  forth,  lay 
down,"  comprehend  the  three  acts,  to  a  certain 
extent,  in  one,  thus  expressing  likewise  the  zeal 
of  Cyrus,  and  the  zeal  that  Sheshbazzar  was  ex- 
pected to  exhibit,  finN,  notwithstanding  the 
Chateph  Pathah,  may  be  merely  the  imper. 
Aphel  of  nnj,  of  which  we  have  the  part,  in 
chap.  vi.  1,  and  the  imperf.  in  chap.  vi.  5. — And 
let  the  house  of  God  be  built. — These  words 
are  connected  with  the  words  lay  them  down 
in  the  temple  as  a  necessary  complement, 
by  the  copula  V 

Ver.  16.  Then  came  this  Sheshbazzar, 
namely  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem,  and  laid  the 
foundations,  etc. — The  copula  is  also  lacking 
before  3iT,  because  the  two  acts  are  connected 
together  in  the  closest  way.  X'UJN.  as  in  chap, 
iv.  12.  Here  it  can  only  mean  the  laying  of  the 
foundations  in  chap.  iii.  8-10 — Since  that  time 
even  until  now  hath  it  been  in  building, 
and  is  not  yet  finished. — These  words  were 
probably  designed  to  let  the  present  activity 
appear  as  a  simple  continuation  of  the  building, 
ordained  by  Cyrus,  thus  also  as  something  en- 
tirely justified.  At  any  rate  it  was  entirely  in 
the  interest  of  the  Jews  to  be  silent  respecting 
the  fact  that  Cyrus  had  allowed  an  interruption 
to  take  place,  and  there  is  nothing  in  our  repre- 
sentation of  the  subject  opposed  to  its  reality. 
But  had  the  express  prohibition  of  the  Arta- 
xerxes  in  chap.  iv.  17  sq.  already  preceded,  yet 
the  Jews  might  well  have  said  that  it  had  been 
occasioned  only  by  the  entirely  groundless  slan- 
ders of  the  Samaritans.  Hence  they  must  regard 
it  as  their  absolute  duty  to  contradict  these  slan- 
ders. DL?E'  occurs  only  here  in  Bib.  Chaldee, 
yet  often  enough  in  the  Targums  and  Syriac,  and 
indeed  in  the  sense  of  "complete  and  ready." 

Ver.  17.  And  now,  if  it  seem  good  to  the 
king,  let  there  be  search  made  in  the  trea- 
sure-house.— hym,    comp.    vii.  18;     Dan.  vi. 

•  T  1 

24,  as  in  later   Hebrew,  1£  3113,  Esther  i.  19, 

good  according  to  any  one's  judgment.  N^tJJ. 
Heb.  Will  (Esth.  iii.  9;  iv.  7),  are  the  treasures, 

probably  from  111 ""  DID,  collect,  and  dsltanasn, 
conceal,  but  at  the  same  time  in  accordance  with 
the  Arian  gaza,  comp.  "\?U,  Ezr.  i.  8;  on  the 
other  hand,  T|7U  1  Chron.  xxviii.  11.  It  is  clear 
from  this  passage  and  chap.  vi.  1,  that  written 


CHAP.  V.   1—11 


Gl 


documents  were  likewise  preserved  in  I  he  trea- 
sure-house. —  Whether  a  command  was 
given  by  king  Cyrus. — ]H  =  whether,  as 
likewise  Jer.  ii.  10.  For  D'tf,  vid.  chap.  iv.  19. 
ruy\  comp.  chap.  vii.  18,  from  n>'1  —  H.JH,  vo- 
luntas, c  pinion. 

THOUGHTS  UPON  TOE  HISTORY  OP  REDEMPTION. 

Ver.  1.  Notwithstanding  t  lie  great  readiness 
which  distinguished  the  new  congregation  at 
first  (comp.  notes  upon  chap.  Hi.),  they  yet  fell 
into  indolence  and  worldlincss  as  soon  as  difficul- 
ties were  placed  in  the  way  of  their  work,  comp. 
Ilaggai's  prophecy.  It  was  even  necessary  that 
n<"-ain  God's  word  should  arouse,  encourage, 
strengthen  them,  and  fi'.l  them  with  joy.  And 
indeed  the  Lord  docs  not  fail  on  His  part: 
wherever  any  powers  whatever  are  present ;  if 
slumbering.  He  awakens  them.  The  more  we 
need  His  all-awakening  call,  and  the  more  that  is 
the  result  of  undeserved  grace  and  faithfulness 
that  shames  us,  the  more  willing  should  we  be 
to  hear  and  follow  Him, 

Vers.  1-5.  Although  the  new  congregation, 
when  they  were  called  upon  by  the  prophets  and 
strengthened  by  their  prophecies,  might  have 
readily  supposed  that  the  building  of  the  tcmplo 
would  now  be  finished  without,  stumbling  upon 
difficulties,  they  were  yet  obliged  presently  to 
submit  to  an  inquiry  on  the  part  of  the  Persian 
officials,  that  might  again  easily  result  in  an  in- 
terruption. Such  trials  the  Lord  Himself  sends 
at  the  time, — and  then'often  very  properly, — when 
His  own  word  has  given  the  impulse  to  an  under- 
taking or  action.  Even  then,  and  then  particu- 
larly, faith  must  be  strengthened  by  trials.  The 
congregation  at  this  time  did  not  allow  the  inter- 
ference of  the  Persian  officials  to  surprise  them 
too  much;  they  were  not  faint-hearted  on  this 
account,  and  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be  de- 
terred thereby  from  building;  in  the  careful 
hesitancy  of  the  officials  they  saw  rather  the  in- 
fluence and  protection  of  God.  Thus  is  it  ever 
for  the  church,  so  long  as  it  is  in  covenant  with 
the  Lord,  to  regard  the  hinderances  even  if  they 
seem  threatening,  and  easily  might  be  destruc- 
tive, as  yet  trifling;  and  things  favorable,  even, 
if  they  seem  ai  first  insignificant,  as  great  ami 
important.  We  must  be  inclined  thereto  by  the 
contentment  with  which  one  feels  impelled  to 
thankfulness  for  the  little,  and  the  faith  in  Him 
who  has  all  things  in  His  hand.  It  is  the  very 
reverse  with  the  world. 

Vers.  6-17.  The  magistracy  often,  as  is  clear 
from  chap,  iv.,  allows  itself  to  use  calumniators 
as  its  instruments.  But  without  regard  to  the 
fact  that  they  are  obliged  to  help  in  realizing 
the  design  of  God  even  in  such  a  case,  they 
are  easily  preserved  by  their  office  and  their  du- 
tiesfrom  such  errors,  even  if  they  are  worldly  and 
heathen  in  their  character.  Tn  our  present  chap- 
ter they  act  as  true  magistrates;  they  quietly 
listen  to  the  report  of  the  Jews,  and  bring  it 
without  misrepresentation  before  the  king.  Bren- 
tius  righ'ly  remarks:  "rides  dijferentiam  inter 
calumniatores  et  bono*  ac  probos  viros.  Una  ea- 
demque  causa  erat  sedificii  tewpH,  unus  idernque 
populus  Jiidxorum:    attamen  hujut  populi  causa 


aUter  refcrtur  ab  impiis  calumniator  tints  aliter  a 
bonis  viris.  How  much  worse  off  the  Jewish 
congregation  would  have  been,  if  the  Samaritans 
had  had  to  do  with  them  without  the  Persian 
officials !  Hence  the  church  should  never  forget, 
even  if  at  times  it  has  had  to  suffer  injustice  from 
worldly  authorities,  to  be  thankful  from  the  heart 
to  God  that  there  are  magistrates  after  all,  comp. 
Rom.  xiii.  1  sq.,  etc. 

Vers.  11  12.  The  congregation  did  not  keep 
back  their  faith,  when  it  came  to  the  point  of 
rendering  account  of  their  designs  before  the 
magistrates,  rather  did  they  lay  down  an  open 
confession,  even  before  the  heathen,  without 
fearing  to  be  laughed  at.  for  their  assertion  that 
(hey  served  the  only  true  God.  In  order  to  ward 
off  the  objection  that  their  Lord  had  been  with- 
out power,  they  confessed  the  sinfulness  of  their 
fathers,  and  praised  the  holiness  of  God.  God's 
honor  was  for  tVm  more  important  than  the 
honor  of  their  fathers  or  of  the  nation.  Well  for 
the  church,  when  the  world  itself  is  obliged  to 
give  testimony  to  it,  as  it  here  gives  to  the  Jewish 
congregation,  that.it  has  made  such  a  good  confes- 
sion as  this.  If  with  such  a  confession  heart  and 
hand  accord,  it  has  the  power  that  overcomes  the 
world.  « 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-5.  How  does  the  Lord  prevent  our 
being  conformed  to  the  world?  1)  By  His  warn- 
ing word. — Starke:  It  is  the  office  of  faithful 
teachers  to  strengthen  the  faint  hands  and  feeble 
knees  (Isa.  xxxv.  3).  2)  By  the  trials  that  He 
sends,  especially  by  making  the  accomplishment 
of  His  own  word  difficult.  3)  By  providential 
care  and  preservation  (ver.  5). — Brentius  : 
Multa  hie  notanda.  Primum,  quod  Deus  tstpemt- 
mero  nos  a  bono  proposito  impedit,  non  ut  non  exe- 
quamur,  sed  ut  clarius  et  illustrius  exequamur. 
Deinde,  quod  sit  internum  vulyi:  max  enim  putat, 
numquam  fore,  ut  promoveat  (sc.  Deus  opus  suum, 
si  aliquamdiu  intermittatur). — The  movements  t  hat 
the  development  ami  advance  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  call  forth:  1)  The  congregation  is  agitated 
by  the  overwhelming  voice  of  God  ;  it  gives  new 
courage,  and  lays  hold  of  the  work  of  building 
obligatory  upon  it  with  new  joy. —  Starke:  Al- 
though it  involves  not  a  little  danger  for  awhile 
to  accomplish  with  obedience  that  which  God 
commands  in  His  word,  yet  we  should  obey  not- 
withstanding, and  not  allow  ourselves  to  be 
frightened  off  by  any  danger.  2)  The  world  is 
agitated,  for  it  cannot  quietly  see  the  events  in 
the  kingdom  of  God,  especially  when  the  congre- 
gation is  subordinated  to  its  civil  authority,  but 
it  is  obliged  to  assist  in  furthering  the  cause  of 
God  in  its  own  way.  3)  God  Himself  is  agitated. 
He  directs  His  eye  with  especial  care  and  wisdom 
upon  the  leaders  of  the  congregation,  and  stretches 
forth  His  hand  to  give  protection  and  help. 

Vers.  11,  12.  The  true  confession.  1)  The  oc- 
casion of  it — the  magistrates  call  to  account, — 2) 
its  contents,  God's  grace  and  truth  and  our  owe 
sins, — 3)  its  aim,  the  establishment  of  a  taber- 
nacle of  God  among  men.  The  true  contents  of 
a  believing  confession.  1)  God's  gracious  acts — 
He  has  by  them  from  the  most  ancient  times  ob- 
tained worship.     Starke:  If  we  purify  the  doc- 


62 


THE  COOK  OF  EZRA. 


trines  with  which  Christ  and  Ilia  apostles  have 
erected  a  spiritual  temple  to  God,  from  human 
ordinances,  we  start  no  new  doctrine,  but  erect 
again  the  marred  temple  of  God.  2)  Exhibition 
of  the  divine  holiness.  He  has  imposed  upon 
His  church  dependence  and  deficiencies  on  ac- 
count of  its  sins. — Starke:  Even  the  sins  of  our 
forefathers  we  should  not  cloak,  but  where  they 
have  erred,  confess  it.  3)  God's  assertions  of 
power. — He  has  wrung  a  recognilion  from  even 
a  Cyrus,  even  the  mightiest  worldly  power,  and 


made  them  serviceable  for  the  re-establishment 
of  His  worship. 

[Scott:  Whilst  we  continue  in  this  world,  we 
shall  always  have  to  confess  that  our  sins  have 
provoked  the  God  of  heaven  unto  wrath,  and  that 
nil  our  Bufferings  spring  from  this  source,  and 
all  our  comforts  from  His  unmerited  mercy. — 
Henry:  Our  eye  upon  God.  observing  His  eye 
upon  us,  will  keep  us  to  our  duty,  and  encourage 
us  in  it  when  difficulties  areneverso  discouraging. 
Let  the  cause  of  God,  and  Truth,  be  fairly  Btated, 
and  fairly  heard,  audit  will  keep  its  ground. — Tr  j 


B.— TnE  ANSWER  OF  DARILS,  THE  COMPLETION  OF  THE  TEMPLE,  AND  THE  FIRST 
CELEBRATION  OF   THE  PASSOVER. 

Chapter   VI.   1-22. 


I.  Darius'  Answer.    Vers.  1-12. 


1  Then  Darius  the  king  made  a  decree,  and  search  was  made  in  the  house  of  the 

2  rolls,  where  the  treasures  were  laid  up  in  Babylon.  And  there  was  found  at  Ach- 
metha,  in  the  palace  that  is  in  the  province  of  the  Medes,  a  roll,  and  therein  was  a 

3  record  thus  written :  In  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  the  king,  the  same  Cyrus  the  king 
made  a  decree  concerning  the  hou^e  of  God  at  Jerusalem,  Let  the  house  be  builded, 
the  place  where  they  i  ffe.red  sacrifices,  and  let  the  foundations  thereof  be  strongly 
laid;  the  height  thereof  three-score  cubits,   and  the   breadth  thereof  three-score 

4  cubits;    With  three  rows  of  great  stones,  and  a  row  of  new  timber:  and  let  the  ex- 

5  penses  be  yiveu  out  of  the  king's  house :  And  also  let  the  golden  and  silver  vessels 
of  the  house  of  God,  which  Nebuchadnezzar  took  forth  out  of  the  temple  which  is 
at  Jerusalem,  and  brought  unto  Babylon,  be  restored,  and  brought  again  unto  the 
temple  which  is  at  Jerusalem,  every  one  to  his  place,  and  place  them  in  the  house 

6  of  God.  lHow  therefore,  Tatnai,  governor  beyond  the  river,  Shethar-boznai,  and 
yimr  companions  the  Apharsachites,  which  are  beyond  the  river,  be  ye  far  from 

7  thence:  Let  the  work  of  this  house  of  God  alone;  lee  the  governor  of  the  Jews  and 

8  the  elders  of  the  Jews  build  this  house  of  God  in  his  pla>  e.  Moreover  I  make  a 
decree  what  ye  shall  do  to  the  elders  of  these  Jews  for  the  building  of  this  house 
of  God:  that  of  the  king's  goods,  even  of  the  tribute  beyond  the  river,  forthwith 

9  expenses  be  given  unto  these  men,  that  they  be  not  hindered.  And  that  which 
they  have  need  of,  both  young  bullocks,  and  rams,  and  lambs,  for  the  burnt-offer- 
ings of  the  God  of  heaven,  wheat,  salt,  wine  and  oil,  according  to  the  appointment 
of  the  priests  which  are  at  Jerusalem,  let  it  be  given  them  day  by  day  without  fail : 

10  That  they  may  offer  sacrifices  of  sweet  savors  unto  the  God  of  heaven,  and  pray 

11  for  the  life  of  the  king,  and  of  his  sons.  Also  I  have  made  a  decree  that  whosoever 
shall  alter  this  word,  let  timber  be  pulled  down  from  his  house,  and  being  set  up. 

12  let  him  be  hanged  therpon ;  and  let  his  house  be  made  a  dunghill  for  this.  And 
the  God  that  hath  caused  his  name  to  dwell  there  destroy  all  kings  and  people, 
that  shall  put  to  their  hand  to  alter  and  to  destroy  this  house  of  God  which  is  at 
Jerusalem.     I  Darius  have  made  a  decree ;  let  it  be  done  with  i-peed. 


13 


IT.    The  Completion  and  Dedication  of  the  Temple.  Vers.  13-18. 
Then  Tatnai,  governor  on  this  side  the  river,  Shethar-boznai,  and  their  compa- 


nions, according  to  that  which  Darius  the  king  had   sent,  so  they  did  speeddy. 
14  And  the  elders  of  the  Jews  builded,  and  they  prospered  through  the  prophesying 


CHAP.  VI.   1-22. 


60 


of  Haggai  the  prophet  and  Zechariah  the  son  of  Iddo.     And  they  builded,  i  nd 
finished"'?,  according  to  the  commandment  of  the  God  of  Israel,  and  according  to 

15  the  commandment  of  Cyrus,  and  Darius,  and  Artaxerxes  king  of  Persia.  And 
this  house  was  finished  on  the  third  day  of  the  month  Adar,  which  was  in  the  sixth 

16  year  of  the  reign  of  Darius  ihe  king.  And  the  childr  n  of  Israel,  the  priests,  and 
the  Levites,  and  the  rest  of  the  children  of  the  captivity,  kept  the  dedication  of 

17  this  house  of  God  with  joy.  And  offered  at  the  dedica  ion  of  this  house  of  God 
a  hundred  bullocks,  two  hundred  rams,  four  hundred  lambs;  and  for  a  sin-offering 
for  all  Israel,  twelve  he-goats,  according  to  the   number  of  the  tribes  of  Israel. 

18  And  they  set  the  priests  in  their  divisions,  and  the  Levites  in  their  courses,  for  the 
service  of  God,  which  is  at  Jerusalem ;  as  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  Moses. 


III.    Celebration  of  Ihe  Firs!  rassover- Feast.  Vers.  19-22.  . 

19  And  the  children  of  the  captivity  kept  the  passover  upon  the  fourteenth  day  of 

20  the  first  m  nth.  For  the  priests  and  the  Levites  were  purified  together,  all  of  them 
were  pure,  and  killed  the  passover  for  all  the  children  of  the  captivity,  and  for 

21  their  brethren  the  priests,  and  for  themselves.  And  the  children  of  Israel,  which 
were  come  again  out  of  captivity,  and  all  such  as  had  separated  themselves  unto 
them  from  the  filthiness  of  the  heathen  of  the  land,  to  seek  the  Lord  God  of  Israel. 

22  did  eat.  And  kept  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  seven  days  with  joy :  for  the 
Lord  had  made  them  joyful,  and  turned  the  heart  of  the  king  of  Assyria  unto 
them,  to  strengthen  their  hands  in  the  work  of  the  house  of  God,  the  God  of 
Israel. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1—12.  The  answer  of  Darius.  Notwith- 
standing the  great  importance  of  the  decision 
that  Darius  gave  in  reply  to  the  letter  of  his 
officers  and  the  greatness  of  its  results,  in  that 
after  so  long  a  waiting  it  finally  introduced  a 
new  and  significant  turn  of  affairs,  its  introduc- 
tion is  quite  brief. — Then  Darius  the  king 
made  a  decree. — These  words  seem  to  red  r 
only  to  the  command  to  make  an  investigation; 
but  in  reality  they  serve  as  an  introduction  to 
the  decree  which  was  promulgated  to  Tatnai, 
etc. ;  comp.  v.  6.  It  is  a9  if  the  subsequent  nar- 
rative: and  search  was  made,  were  taken 
up  merely  as  an  explanation  of  the  decree  fol- 
lowing in  ver.  6  sq.  Without  doubt  it  was  con- 
tained in  the  decree  of  Darius  to  Tatnai,  as  its 
basis  or  introduction. — The  house  of  -wri- 
tings.— Comp.  v.  17.*  Here  the  treasures  like 
wise  were  laid  up.  1*000?  is  participle  Aphel 
of  fin].     Comp.  chap.  v.  15. 

Ver.  '1.  And  theie  was  found  at  Achme- 
tha. — Search  was  made  for  the  writing  in  Ba- 
bylon; but  it  was  found  in  Achmetha,  after  that 
there  was  probably  found  in  the  archives  at 
Babylon  a  reference  to  the  archives  of  Achmetha 
for  the  documents  of  the  time  of  Cyrus.  The 
letters  Dnx  engraved  on  coins  seem  to  designate 


*  [Rawlinson  '»  loco:  "A  house  of  writings  was  dis- 
covered at  Koyunjik  the  ancient  Nineveh  by  Mr.  La- 
yard  in  the  year  1850 — a  s*'t  of  chambers,  i.  e.  in  the 
palace  devoted  exclusively  to  the  storing  of  public 
documents.  These  were  in  baked  clay,  and  covered 
the  floors  to  the  depth  of  more  than  a  foot."  Many  of 
these  writings  were  removed  to  the  British  Museum, 
where  they  have  been  partially  arranged  ami  translated 
by  Rawlinson,  Smith.  Talhot  and  others.  The  library 
was  again  visited,  and  many  of  its  treasures  removed 
by  Smith  in  1873  and  '4  and  again  in  Wfi.  See  Assyrian 
Discoveries  of  Geo.  Smith.  New  York,  1875. — Ta.] 


this  city.  Comp.  Mordtmann,  D.  M.  Zeilichrifl, 
VIII.,  S.  14.  In  ancient  Persian,  however, 
Achmetha  probably  was  Hagamatha. —  [Rawlin- 
son in  loco:  "  in  the  Behistun  inscription  llagma- 
tana."— Tr.] — In  Greek  it  is  '  Ayftarava  (Herod. 
I.  98)  or  'E«/3drara  (Judith  i.  14),  the  summer- 
residence  of  the  Persian  and  Parthian  kings, 
built  by  Deiokes,  the  capital  of  Media  Ihe  great, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Ihe  present  Hamadan. — In 
the  palace. — The  archives  were  especially  in 
the  citadel,  rp'3=//  :1<ip<c,  which  embraced  the 
palace  and  likewise  the  other  prominent  bui'd- 
ings. — A  roll  and  therein  was  a  record.* — 
We  should  expect  directly  afler  HU3  (there  is 
less  authority  for  a  kamelz  in  the  last  syll.)  the 
contents  of  the  writing;  indeed  noi"i;Tt(s*.  einph. 
of  jV*0**j  may  have  been  a  superscription  in  the 
writing  itself  about  equivalent  to :  memoran- 
dum; nevertheless  it  is  here  connected  with  the 
previous  clause  as  a  memorandum  was  written 
therein.  The  contents  do  not  fol'ow  until  vers. 
3-5. 

Ver.  3  contains  first  probably  stereotype  in-' 
troductory  forms;  at  first  the  date:  In  the 
first  year  of  king  Cyrus  (as  in  chap.  v.  10) ; 
then  the  short  preamble:  Cyrus  the  king 
made  a  decree;  then  a  statement  of  the  Con- 
tents; then  the  following  words:  the  house 
of  God  at  Jerusalem,  stand  alone  by  them- 
selves, and  constitute  to  a  certain  extent  a  title. 
Then  the  command:  Let  the  house  be  built 
as  a  place  where  offerings  are  brought 
and  whose  foundations  are  capable  of 
supporting  (namely,  the  structure}. — IHS  is 
placed  before  the  relative  clause  in  ttat.  constr. 

*  rEawlinson  in  loco:  "The  ancient  Persians  n-  i 
parchment  for  their  records  as  appears  from  Ctesias 
(cap.  Diod.,  Sec.  II.  32)."— T*.] 


CI 


TI1E  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


as  Dip?.  Hos.  ii.  1,  etc.  J'^l'D?  'nilW  is 
hardly  to  be  explained  as:  "its  foundation  they 
may  set  up"  (Keil),  or  "  may  be  erected  (Ges.  in 
his  Thesaurus).  In  this  sense  the  additional 
clause  would  be  superfluous.  We  would  expect 
an  optative  instead  of  a  participle.  It.  is  made 
co-ordinate  with  the  previous  relative  clause  by 
the  participle,  and  not  with  the  principal  clause 

"let  the  house  of  God  be  built."  73D,  which  only 
in  very  detached  passages  is  like  the  Ileb.  N17J, 
in  the  Targum  of  Dent.  xxiv.  1-5  and  in  the  Sa- 
maritan translation  of  Gen.  xiii.  ' 0,  means,  as 
in  Hebrew,  without  doubt  also  in  Chald,  first 
and  chiefly,  to  drag,  bear  a  burden.  Accord- 
ingly we  regard  as  the  safest  explanation  :  who-e 
foundations  are  burden-bearing,  that  is,  capable 
of  carrying,  durable  for  the  buildings  erected 
upon  them.  Cyrus  might  have  been  present  to 
state  briefly  in  his  own  way  the  very  reason 
why  the  house  of  God  in  Jerusalem  was  to  b* 
built.  It  is  a  place  wherein  they  from  ancient 
times  offer  offerings,  thus  a  place  long  ago  sanc- 
tified, and  besides  the  foundations  are  still  pre- 
sent and  in  a  condition  capable  of  bearing  a 
building  upon  them.  The  two  participles,  thus 
viewed,  are  used  without  regard  to  tense.  The 
Vulgate  and  the  Rabbins  likewise  let  this  con- 
ception betray  itself  since  they  render:  ponant 
fundamenla  support antia.  Although  it  is  more 
natural  to  suppose  that  this  second  relative 
clause  should  be  synonymous  with  the  first,  yet 
there  is  no  change  in  the  text  that  could  be  at  all 
proposed  (e.g.,  J't?X  for  |'UfX)  that  would  throw 
any  light  Whilst  indeed  Esdras  had  SiA  irvpoc 
kvdefexovQ.  the  Sept  seems,  although  rendering 
very  freely  (icat  i&jjnav  liraptia)  to  have  followed 
our  text. 

In  order  that  the  house  might  be  large  and 
elevated  enough,  Cyrus  at  once  fixed  its  height 
and  breadth  (comp.  Dan.  iii.  1  for  iYHD),  and  in 

deed  both,  sixty  cubits,  double  that  of  the  tem- 
ple of  Solomon.  Comp.  1  Kings  vi.  2.  Even  if 
in  this  passage  the  cubit  of  commerce  of  the  exile 
times  were  meant,  whilst  in  1  Kings  vi.  2,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  ancient  Mosaic  or  holy  cubit  (2 
Chron.  iii.  3),  which  according  to  Ezek.  xl.  5; 
xliii.  13,  was  a  hand's  breadth  longer  than  the 
former,  namely,  eighteen  and  a  half  Rhenish 
inches,  the  difference  would  still  be  significant 
enough.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  reference 
•  here  is  to  the  Mosaic  cubit.  The  measurements 
for  the  new  temple  appear,  since  they  were  just 
double,  to  have  been  chosen  with  reference  to 
those  of  the  old  temple,  and  on  their  basis.  It 
is  probable  that  Cyrus  thought  he  could  not  make 
the  matter  of  the  temple  his  own  affair  without 
at  least  surpassing  Solomon  to  the  extent  of  dou- 
ble. Perhaps  this  explains  why  he  fixes  nothing 
at  all  respecting  the  length.  Probably  he  knew 
that  a  greater  length  than  that  of  the  temple  of 
Solomon  was  not  desirable,  since  otherwise  the 
temple  buildings  would  have  taken  r  datively  too 
much  space,  and  the  extent  of  the  courts,  which 
needed  much  space,  be  too  limited.  Since  now 
he  could  not  well  go  beyond  rol'mon  in  this  re- 
spect,  he  rather  makes  no  standard  at  all.  The 
building  of  Solomon's  temple  had  a  length  of 
6ixty  cubits,  twenty  for  the  most  holy  place,  forty 


for  the  holy  place,  and  besides  a  vestibule  of  ten 
cubits.  This  was  besides  surrounded  on  the  two 
long  sides  and  in  the  rear,  by  wiug-s  of  five  cu- 
bits breadth.  The  length  of  the  temple  of  He- 
rod was  limited  to  essentially  the  same  measure- 
ments. But  if  they  did  not  wish  to  exceed  these 
measurements, thesixly  cubits  breadth  could  only 
be  applied  to  measure  the  outer  breadth,  em- 
bracing likewise  the  wings,  unless  they  would 
entirely  abandon  the  relations  rendered  sacred 
by  the  tabernacle,  and  alrao-t  throughout  re- 
tained by  the  temple  of  Solomon.  The  holiest 
of  all  had  been  a  cube  in  both  the  tabernacle  and 
the  temple  of  Solomon  and  the  holy  place  again 
had  had  double  the  length  of  this  cube,  and  this 
arrangement  of  the  parts  seems  to  have  been  re- 
garded as  the  most  essential.  The  internal  breadth 
of  the  second  temple  could  not  well  amount  to 
more  than  that  of  the  first  temple,  or  than  that 
which  it  subsequently  had  in  the  temple  of  He- 
rod, namely,  twenty  cubits  (with  Keil  and  against 
Merxin  Herz.'s  Real-Enc.  XV.  S.  013  and  Berth.) 
Thus  there  remained  to  the  side  buildings  a  con- 
siderable space.  If  we  reckon  ten  cubits  for  each 
side,  whilst  in  the  temple  of  Solomon  only  five 
cubits  had  been  applied  to  that  purpose,  since 
the  breadth  in  that  case  would  have  amounted  to 
twenty  cubits  in  the  clear,  in  all  thirty  cubits, 
there  still  remain  twenty  cubits  for  the  four  walls, 
which  in  the  temple  of  Herod  likewise  took  up 
the  same  amount  of  space.  Whether  accordingly 
the  internal  height  was  likewise  limited,  whether 
it  at  least  in  the  holiest  of  all  was  diminished  to 
the  measure  of  the  length  and  breadth,  as  it  were, 
by  the  addition  of  upper  chambers,  such  as  had 
been  in  the  temple  of  Solomon  likewise,  these 
taking  up  ten  cubits  in  height,  we  know  not.  In 
the  temple  of  Herod  there  was  assigned  to  the 
holiest  of  all,  as  well  as  to  the  holy  place,  an  in- 
ternal height  of  sixty  cubits,  whilst  still  forty  to 
sixty  cubits  in  height  were  applied  to  the  upper 
chambers.  And  it  is  possible  that  Zerubbabel 
and  Jeshua  likewise  already  acted  with  more  free- 
dom with  reference  to  the  height,  an  internal 
height  of  only  twenty  cubits  in  connection  with 
an  external  height  of  Bixty  cubits,  would  have 
been  almost  too  much  out  of  proportion.  That 
they  really  carried  the  external  height  to  sixty 
cubits,  seems  to  follow  from  Josephus  Arch.  xv. 
11,  1.* 

Ver.  4  gives  still  further  directions,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  understand  them. — Three  rows  of 
great  stones. — "]2~]1  is  used  in  the  Targ.  for  the 
Hebrew  "HO,  which  is  from  TO  =  circumire,  and 
means  the  surrounding  wall  or  walls  (Ezek.  xlvi. 
23),  but  also  the  rows  (Ex.  xxviii.  17,  etc.  ;  so 
also  indeed  1  Kings  vii.  3,  4).  Fritzsche  on  Es- 
dras vi.  20,  Keil  and  Merx  (I.  c),  regard  its 
meaning  as  row  or  course,  and  accordingly  un- 
derstand it  to  be  =  the  walls,  whether  of  the 
temple  (Fritz-che)  or  of  the  inner  porch  (Keil 
and  Merx) — of  the  latter  it  is  very  appropriately 

*  When  Jo=ephus  here  lets  Herod  say  that  the  sec- 
ond temple  fell  sixty  cubits  in  height  below  the  tem- 
ple of  Solomon,  he  accords  to  the  second  a  height  of 
sixty  cubits,  and  to  that  of  Solomon  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  cubits,  the  latter  without  doubt  on  the 
basis  of  2  Chron.  iii.  4.  where  in  consequence  of  an 
error  or  copyist's  mistake  there  is  Kiv*en  to  the  hall  of 
the  temple  of  Solomon  a  height  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  cubits. 


CHAP.  VI.  1-22. 


G5 


said  in  1  Kings  vi.  3G,  that  Solomon  built  them: 

d'Pn   nrna    -uai   rm    '-ua    ntfW,  they 

•t~:  \  i  :  -t  t      i 

should  have  below  three  livers  of  hewn  slone  and 
a  row  of  cedar  beams.  But  that  the  walls  of  the 
temple  building  itself,  of  which  alone  we  can 
think  according  to  ver.  3,  should  be  built  of  four 
such  courses  is  highly  improbable,  for  such  an 
unfinished  massive  method  of  building  has  no 
where  been  found  in  the  Orient.  But  if  the  walls 
of  the  inner  court  were  meant,  these  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  mentioned,  or  if  something  had 
been  left  out  that  was  originally  contained  in  the 
edict  of  Cyrus  for  explanation  (Men),  these 
words  would  most  suitably  have  been  omitted 
likewise.  Moreover  "NH  in  the  above  mentioned 
passage,  1  Kings  vi.  36,  very  probably  has  a  dif- 
ferent meaning.  It  is  very  worthy  of  remark, 
that  "WD  as  well  here  as  also  immediately  after- 
wards, 1  Kings  vii.  2,  so  also  in  Ezek.  xlvi.  23, 
occurs  with  reference  to  four-sided  rooms,  which 
were  enclosed  round  about,  just  as  D'Jjnj  is  used 
in  our  passage.  Nothing  is  more  appropriate 
then  than  to  understand  thereby  the  four  side 
enclosures  which  enclosed  the  room  ;  whether 
walls,  as  in  the  inner  court,  1  Kings  vi.  36;  Ezek. 
xlvi.  23,  or  side  buildings  that  surrounded  a  four- 
cornered  room,  as  1  Kings  vii.  2.  The  sense  of 
1  Kings  vii.  36  is,  then,  that  Solomon  provided 
the  inner  court  on  three  sides  with  walls  of  quar- 
ried stone,  on  the  one  other  side,  without  doubt 
the  front  side,  where  the  chief  entrance  was 
where  then  there  was  probably  a  larger  door, 
with  an  enclosure  of  hewu  cedar.  Our  passage, 
however,  then  says  that  three  of  the  temple  walls 
— for  it  can  only  refer  to  these  according  to  ver. 
3 — were  of  hewn  stone,  the  other,  namely,  the 
front,  which  must  for  the  most  part  be  composed 
of  a  large  entrance,  was  to  be  made  of  wood.  In 
confirmation  of  this  view  it  is  sufficient  that  in 
the  temple  of  Herod  also,  the  entrance  side  of 
the  holy  place  was  still  composed  of  one  great 
folding  door,  sixteen  cubits  broad.  In  the  same 
manner  then,  moreover,  was  the  inner  court  en- 
closed, as  we  conclude  from  1  Kings  vi.  36.* — 
And  a  row  of  new  timber. — Instead  of  flin 
=  new  after  J?X  =  timber,  it  is  appropriate  lo 
read  mn— one,  as  then  the  Sept.  already  ren- 
ders ffr,  yet  this  numeral  is  absent  also  in  1 
Kings  vi.  36. — And  let  the  expenses. — RnpSJ 
from  p32  (in  Aphel  =  to  give  out)  is  tHe  ex- 
pense, and  indeed  here  that  which  was  caused  bv 
the  building  of  the  temple. — From  the  house 
of  the  king  is  according  to  ver.  8  sq.  =  from 
the  royal  revenues  on  this  side  of  the  river. 

Ver.  5  adds  the  order  for  the  restoration  of 
the  temple  vessels,  that  was  so  important.  The 
sing,  ^rv  (respecting  the  form  vid.  V.  5)  is  ex- 
plained after  the  previous  plural  from  the  con- 
ception of  the  different  vessels  as  one  sum  total, 
nnri,  ihus  written  and  pointed,  is  2d  pers.  iui 
perf.  Aph.  with  transitive  meaning  =  cause  to 
be    delivered,  comp.  v.  15.      If  this  meaning  i' 

*  [Ferguson  accepts  the  Sept.  M>*os,  and  understands 
three  stories  of  stone,  with  a  fourth  story  of  wood-work 
on  the  summit.  Bawlinson  thinks  that  rvrns  would 
limit  the  thickness  of  ihp  walls  to  thro.,  rows  of  utone 
with  an  inner  wootlen  wainscotting. — Te.J 


to  be  retained,  we  must  suppose  that  the  edict  of 
Cyrus  was  addressed  to  some  individual,  perhaps 
Zerubbabel  himself,  and  that  Cyrus  now  turns 
immediately  to  him.  Yet  the  transition  to  the 
direct  address  is  here  somewhat  singular  and  ab- 
rupt, and  it  seems  best  to  take  finri  as  3d  pers. 
fern,  imperf.  Kal,  which  indeed  should  be  pointed 
rtnfl  or  at  least  DUTI  with  the  indefinite  sub- 
ject. 

Ver.  6.  The  previous  edict  of  Cyrus  is  now 
followed  by  the  order  of  Darius,  so  favorable  and 
careful  in  its  provisions  for  the  Jews,  that  it  is 
as  if  the  latter  would  not.  only  confirm  the  for- 
mer's action  out  of  reverence,  but  even  surpass 
him.  If  it  should  be  dim  :ult  for  the  little  con- 
gregation of  Jews  to  conduct  the  worship  in  Je- 
rusalem in  accordance  with  the  prescriptions  of 
the  law,  in  that  a  great  expense  was  especially 
necessary  for  the  offerings.  Darius  helped  them 
to  bear  the  burden  by  his  great  liberality.  He 
at  first  in  vers.  6,  7  arranged  that  his  governor 
should  not  hinder  the  work. — Now  therefore 
Tatnal,  etc. — For  the  connection  with  previous 
context  see  notes  on  ver.  1. — And  your  com- 
panions, your  Apharsachites  =  those  who 
are  your  companions,  etc.  For  an  explanation 
of  the  terms  comp.  v.  3,  6. — Be  (or  keep  your- 
self)  far  from  thence,  e.  g.,  interfere  not  with 
the  imposition  of  burdens  or  hindrances, 

Ver.  7.  Let  alone. — p3p  e.accus.  =  to  give 
way  to  or  permit  something. — The  work  of  this 
house  of  God,  namely,  that  brought  in  question 
by  you. — Let  the  governor and  the  el- 
ders build. — '2bO'  is  here  after  fin3  clearly  a 
second  subject  to  pJ3'.  7  is  hence  used  here  to 
introduce  a  subject,  which  isquite  unusual.  Comp. 
perchance  Isa.  xxxii.  1  and  Dan.  iv.  33,  and  in- 
deed without  exactly  making  "2'C?  more  promi- 
nent than  nn3. 

Ver.  8.  Then  Darius  directs  his  officers  to  de- 
fray he  cost  of  the  building. — Moreover  I 
make  a  decree  -what  ye  shall  do. — Comp.  iv. 

19;  N37  =  in  reference  to  that  which  ye  are  to 
do,  comp.  ~7X  with  TWi,  Isa.  xxiii.  11  ;  Ps.  xci. 
11  ;  2  Kings  xx.  1.  Dj?  is  used  here  with  13>> 
in  no  other  way  than  with  T\Z'P  in  Heb.,  comp. 
Gen.  xxiv.  12  sq.  It  corresponds  to  some  extent 
with  the  German  "an,"  but  expresses  still  fur- 
ther "in  favor  of." — For  the  building. — (02"37 
=  in  order  that  they  may  build.  The  second 
half  of  the  verse:  that  of  the  king's  goods, 
even  of  the  tribute,  contains  the  principal 
thing  that  the  royal  officers  were  to  do,  so  that 
1=an  1  indeed— With  expenses— that  they  be 

not  hindered — HJ13DX  as  in  ver.  8.  X7-,1 
X^37  cannot  well  mean  that  there  be  no  stop- 
ping, or  that  it  may  not  come  to  a  stopping  of 
the  work  (Keil  after  the  Vulgate:  tie  impediutur 
opus),  since  no  object  such  as  work  is  mentioned 
here  as  in  chap.  iv.  21  and  23;  but  it  means; 
which  (prescribed  action)  is  not  to  be  brought  to 
an  end,  or  discontinued  (Bertheau).    Comp.  Dan. 


cs 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


vi.  9.  This  additional  clause  is  to  sharpen  the 
previous  one. 

In  vers.  9  and  10  Darius  further  add3:  that 
his  officers  shall  provide  the  material  of  the  offer- 
ings in  order  that  prayer  may  be  offered  for  hitu, 
and  the  welfare  of  his  empire  in  the  Jewish  man- 
ner, in  Jerusalem  likewise. — And  'whatever  is 
necessary — j^^n  is  fern.  pi.  (necessary  things) 
from  ron  for  jriiyn,  comp.  rtliyn  Dan.  iii.  1G, 
and  |'p7?  Dan.  v.  25,  according  to  Winer's  GV., 
\  34,  ill.  [Riggs'  Gr.,  g  32— Tr.].  the  vocaliza- 
tion varies. — Both  young  bullocks  and. — 
The  following  1  —  1  is  properly  =  as  well — as, 
or  also,  whether — or.  Darius  names  here  vari- 
ous animals  and  other  materials,  which  may  iu 
any  way  come  into  consideration,  since  he  leaves 
the  more  particular  designation  of  what  would 
be  required  to  the  priests  at  Jerusalem. — Let  it 
be  given  them  without  fail. — The  singular 
3TTi13  Xirn  (comp.  N1H7  iv.  12)  is  explained 
perhaps  from  the  fact  that  Darius  goes  back  upon 
TtO  and  embraces  every  individual  in  an  indefi- 
nite "  it."     ITO   N 7_,1  means  :  that  there  be  no 

T  T 

interruption,  namely,  in  providing  what  is  neces- 
sary, or  indeed  in  the  worship.  In  the  transla- 
tion of  tbe  LXX.  b  lav  airqaovoi,  which  overlooks 
the  «7  and  in  that  of  the  Vulgate  ne  sit  in  aliquo 
quxrimonia,  Ot7  seems  to  have  been  derived  from 
7Xt7. 

Ver.  10.  In  order  that  they  may  be  offer- 
ing (continually)  sacrifices  of  sweet  savour 
for  the  life   of  the  king  and   his   sons. — 

I'n'lITJ  are  (comp.  Dan.  ii.  46)  sacrifices  which 
afford  God  a  n'tri'J  TTT  (Lev.  i.  9,  13,  etc.),  and 
thereby  gain  his  good  will,  comp.  Jer.  xxix.  7; 
1  Mac.  vii.  37;  xii.  11,  etc.;  Josephus,  Arch. 
XII.  2,  5  ;  c.  Ap.  II.  5.  Darius  thereby  indi- 
cates the  same  recognition  of  the  Lord  to  be  wor- 
shipped in  Jerusalem,  as  Cyrus,  without  doubt, 
from  the  same  stand-point.     Comp.  i.  2. 

Vers.  11,  12.  Darius  here  shows  as  an  addi- 
tional sign,  how  earnest  ho  was  that  his  will 
should  he  carried  out,  sealing  what  has  been  said 
with  a  penalty. — Whosoever  shall  alter  this 
word. — The  nom.  absol.  represents  a  protasis: 
if  any  man  whatever  MHiT  as  in  ver.  12  ;  Dan. 
vi.  9  and  10,  change  by  transgression  or  also 
(comp.  ver.  12)  by  doing  away  with  it. — Let  a 
timber  (beam)  be  torn  from  his  house,  let 
him  be  fastened  thereon  and  crucified. — 
^P'  in  itself  =  raise  on  high,  can  just  as  well 
mean  •' empa'e  "  or  "pierce  through,"  a3  also, 
like  the  Syriac  "crucify."  Empalement  or  the 
piercing  through  of  delinquents  on  a  pointed 
wooden  stake,  was  the  usual  punishment  among 
the  Assyrians  and  Persians,  comp.  Liyard,  Ni- 
neveh and  Babylon,  p.  355,  and  Nineveh  and  its  re- 
mains, p.  379,  with  the  plate  fig.  58  *  Of  Darius 
it  is  said avtoKoXdKioe  (Herod.  III.  159).  Yet  the 
fastening  on  a  cross  likewise  occurred  among  the 
Persians,  yet  so  that  the  head  of  the  one  to  be 


*  [Rawlinson  says,  that  crucifixion  was  the  most 
comnioD  form  of  punishment  among  the  Persians. 
Yi'l.  Com.  m  loco  ana  Ancient  Monarchies  IV..  p.fiOS;  He- 
rod. III.  UJ;  IV.  5i     Iich.  Ins.,  col.  II.,  par.  14,  etC—TR.] 


crucified  was  first  cut  off.  ViJ.  the  passages 
of  Herodotus  in  Brisonii  de  rejni  Persarun 
princip.,  II.,  c.  215. — And  let  hi3  house  be 
made  a  dunghill  for  this,  that  is,  let  it 
be  torn  down  an  I  change  1  into  a  common 
sewer,    comp.    2    Kings    x.  27,   and  Haveruick, 

Com.  on  Dan.  II.  5.     ?7lJ  as  'SiJ  Dan.  ii.  5* 

t:  •  t  : 

Ver.  12.  And  the  God  that  hath  caused 
his  name  to  dwell  there,  destroy  all  kings, 
etc. — ^J"2'  corresponds  with  the  Heb.  "U3,  Ps. 
lxxxix.  45.  The  expression,  who  has  caused  His 
name  to  dwell  there,  is  so  decidedly  Hebrew  in 
style  (comp.  Deut.  xii.  11,  14,  23;  Jer.  vii.  12; 
Neh.  i.  9l,  that  we  must  suppose  the  authordoes 
not  impart  the  decree  verbally,  or  that  Darius 
made  use  of  Jewish  help  in  this  entire  affair. 
Even  the  entire  conception  that  God  confined  His 
especial  presence  to  a  temple  building  was  en- 
tirely unlike  the  Persian  conception,  so  that  the 
entire  proceedings  toward  the  Jews  with  refe- 
rence to  the  temple  on  the  part  of  Darius,  and 
already  on  the  part  of  Cyrus,  must  ba  referred 
back  to  an  accommodation  of  views. — Who 
stretches  forth  his  hand  to  change,  to  de- 
stroy.—  it^yjTy!  for  which  we  would  expect 
X'3i?ri7  is  explained  by  PPS!-!?,  which  indicates 

tt :  -  :  r  "         tr-; 

what  kind  of  change  of  the  decree  ish"re  thought 
of.  The  threat  itself,  as  we  have  it  here,  is  ge- 
nuine Persian;  it  reminds  U3  of  the  conclusion 
of  the  inscription  of  Darius  at  Behistun,  where 
the  punishment  of  Ahuramazada  is  desired  to 
descend  upon  him  who  ventures  to  violate  the 
image  and  inscription,  his  blessing  on  the  one 
who  holds  them  in  honor  (Berth).  [Rawlin=on 
in  loco.     Sea  Beh.  Int.,  col.  IV.,  part  17. — Tr.] 

Ver.  13.  This  happy  turn  of  affairs  is  followed 
by  the  completion  of  the  work,  on  which,  a3  a 
matter  of  course,  all  depended.  It  is  character- 
istic of  the  book  that  this  fact  should  also  be  nar^ 
rated  in  the  Chaldee.  It  is  as  if  the  continued 
use  of  this  language  should  express  the  accom- 
panying fact  of  their  dependence  upon  Persia, 
which  still  continued.  Yet  this  was  not  so  de^ 
pressing  in  its  influence  as  encouraging,  for,  ac- 
cording to  divine  providence,  even  the  mighty 
princes  of  Persia  co-operated  on  their  part  and 
in  their  way  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah.  The 
author  first  lets  the  Persian  officers  take  part  in 
the  recognition  of  Jehovah:  According  to  that 
which  Darius  the  king  had  sent  bo  they 
did  speedily. — X"3.13,  according  to  the  word  (of 
the  king)  comp.  iv.  13,  in  consequence  of  the  fact 
that  Darius  hal  seat,  namely,  answer  and  com- 
mand. "J  73">^  properly,  over  against  the  fact 
that  =  considering  that,  as  usually  ,:V"v3P~'3- 

Ver.  14.  The  author  here  reminds  U9  of  all 
those  to  whom  the  congregation  were  especially 
indebted  for  the  new  temple.  They  were  encou- 
raged by  (3)  the  prophesying  of  the  prophets; 
but  it  was  the  command  of  God,  and  then 
that  of  Cyrus,  Darius,  Artaxerxes,  that  had  been 
the  source  or  origin  (]?)  of  all  that  happened. 


•  [llonbigant  and  Pathe  prefer  the  Vulgate  render- 
ing :  domue  ejus  puWiMfao*, "  let  his  house  be  con&toatrd." 
But  the  balani t  authority  is  in  favor  of  \h  ■  transla- 
tion given  above.     Rawlinsou,  in  hco. — Tit.] 


CHAP.  VI.   1-22. 


God  is  mentioned  here,  and  indeed  before  Cyrus 
and  Darius,  since  the  Author  goes  forth  from  the 
fact,  that  there  would  have  been  no  command 
of  Cyrus  and  Darius  without  God's  command. 
If  we  had  here  a  simple  account  of  the  final  com- 
pletion of  the  building,  it  would  seem  strange  that 
here  the  author  should  go  back  even  to  Cyrus, 
still  more  that  the  much  later  Artaxerxes  is  taken 
into  consideration,  who  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
building  here  under  consideration.  The  author, 
however,  instead  of  giving  a  simple  narrative, 
would  rather  express  recognition  and  thanks, 
and  hence  could  forget  none  who  were  deserving 
of  mention.  Artaxerxes  came  into  consideration 
only  on  account  of  the  gifts  which  he  caused  to 
be  brought  to  Jerusalem  by  Ezra,  vii.  15,  19. 

Ver.  15.  For  a  work  of  such  importance  the 
date  is  properly  given.  N'X't^.  for  which  the 
Qeri  gives  'X't?,  is  the  Shaphel  of  Xi",  [so  Lu- 
zatto,  Gram.,  %  45. — Tk.]  ;  in  the  Targum  'X't^ 
has  mostly  an  active  sense,  yet  at  times  also  an 
intransitive  sense,  so  that  it.  corresponds  with 
our  "end;"  now  transitive  and  theu  intransitive. 
Thus  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  regard  N'i"ty  as  a 
Hebraistic  passive  formation  of  the  Shaphel 
(Berth,  and  Keil).  By  the  third  day  of  the  month 
Adar,  that  is  the  last  month  of  the  year,  was  the 
temple  finished,  since  it  is  probable  that  they 
made  haste  to  have  time  left  in  this  year  for  a 
worthy  dedication;  whilst  the  Sept.  agrees  with 
our  text  in  respect  to  the  third  day,  Esdras  vii. 
5  has  instead  of  it  the  twenty-third  day,  but  pro- 
bably, only  because  the  author  held  that  the 
dedication  immediately  followed  the  completion, 
and  that  it  lasted  eight  days,  after  the  example 
of  the  temple  of  Solomon,  1  Kings  viii.  60,  and 
2  Chron.  xxix.  18.  and  filled  up  the  last  eight 
days  of  the  year.  [The  sixth  year  of  Darius, 
according  to  Rawlinson,  was  B.  C.  516-515. — 
Tr] 

Vers.  16,  17.  The  great  significance  of  that 
which  had  been  attained,  and  the  consciousness 
of  it  in  the  congregation  at  the  time,  the  author 
very  beautifully  shows  by  what  he  says  respect- 
ing the  dedication.  All  observed  it  (13.J5  as  TTdy, 
with  H3m  2  Chron.  vii.  9),  with  joy,  and  indeed 
with  the  offering  of  a  number  of  sacrifices  which, 
whilst  small  in  comparison  wiih  the  multitude  iu 
Solomon's  lime  (1  Kings  viii.  5,  63),  thus  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  limiied  relations  of  the  lime, 
yet  might  ever  be  regarded  as  a  glad  beginning, 
showing  by  the  twelve  goats  for  sin-offerings, 
that  they  would  act  in  the  name  of  enlire  Israel, 
and  regain  the  divine  grace  for  the  whole  body 
of  the  people.  Comp.  ii.  2;  viii.  35.  Whether 
then  already  remnants  of  the  northern  tribes 
had  returned  and  settled  themselves  in  Juda.  or 
whether  there  were  from  former  limes  re,  resen- 
tatives  of  these  tribes,  scattered  about  in  the 
land,  does  not  come  properly  into  consideration 
here.  The  principal  thing  is,  that  the  new  con- 
gregation, without  doubt  in  consequence  of  former 
prophecies,  had  no  oihcr  thought  than  that  those 
so  long  separated  from  them  had  retained  their 
privilege  of  being  the  people  of  God,  and  would 
realize  it  in  some  way  or  other  as  in  olden  times. 
Besides,  the  offerings  prescribed  in  Num.  vii.  11 


sq.  were  here  offered  in  the  manner  of  the  law. 
Comp.  1  Kings  viii.  63;   2  Chron.  xxix.  20  sq. 

Ver.  18.  Thus  there  was  again  a  legal  wor- 
ship, so  likewise  a  legal  body  of  persons  to 
conduct  the  worship. — They  set  up. — iTpm 
as  n'D2!2>  iii-  8,  namely,  to  perform  the  business 
of  the  divine  worship. — The  priests  in  their 
classes,  and  the  Levites  in  their  divisions 
(comp.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  5,  12;  1  Chron.  xxvii.  4), 
since  every  class  and  division  had  its  week. 
Comp.  2  Kings  xi.  9,  and  2  Chron.  xxiii.  4.  That 
it  is  expressly  added,  as  it  is  'written  in  the 
book  of  Moses  (comp.  Num.  iii.  6;  viii,  14), 
may  be  in  accordance  with  the  legal  disposition, 
which  became  very  soon  characteristic  of  these 
times,  comp.  iii.  2;  2  Chron.  xxiii.  18;  but  at  the 
same  time  this  likewise  might  well  come  into 
consideration,  that  it  was  so  important,  that, 
whilst  still  so  many  other  things  might  be  dis- 
pensed wiih,  yet  at  least  they  should  again  have 
a  worship  in  accordance  wiih  the  law. 

Vers.  19-22.  It  is  very  significant  that  the 
auihor  here  at  the  close  of  this  entire  sectiou 
adds  an  account  of  the  first  celebration  of  the 
passover  after  the  completion  of  the  temple. 
This  came  into  consideration  certainly  not  merely 
as  an  evidence  that  in  the  new  temple  the  divine 
worship  had  its  regular  course  with  the  cycle  of 
feasts  (Keil),  but  before  all  as  a  feast,  by  which  Hie 
congregation  might  again  show  itself  so  appro- 
priately as  the  redeemed  and  favored  people  of  the 
covenant  of  the  Lord,  also  again  more  and  more 
assure  itself  of  the  covenant  relation,  as  a  conclu- 
sion, which  at  the  same  time  was  a  beginning  assu- 
ringanew  and  glorious  continuance  and  progress. 
This  is  quite  clear  lrom  the  confirmation  given  in 
ver.  22,  by  which  nothing  less  than  the  proper  end 
of  ihe  entire  previous  period  of  nffliciiou  itself  is 
designated  as  the  foundation  of  this  Passover 
feast.  So  then  the  circumstance  that  the  author 
now  returns  to  the  Hebrew  language  is  likewise 
appropriate — one  might  Boy  very  significant. 
If  the  Chaldee  language  has  been  used  because 

Chaldee  documents  had  to  be  placed  in  order 

that  is,  because  Ihe  restoration  depended  first 
of  all  on  the  world  power,  and  that  by  it  the  co- 
venant people  had  beeu  deprived  for  a  while  of 
their  covenant  jewels,  the  temple,  and  divine 
worship — so  now,  when  the  congregation  was 
again  constituted  as  such,  and  also  provided 
Willi  their  temple  and  their  divine  worship,  and 
where  the  narrative  might  be  occupied  with  this 
exclusively,  there  was  at  least,  nothing  in  the 
way  of  a  return  to  the  Hebrew  tongue. 

Ver.  2n  For  the  priests  and  Levites  had 
purified  themselves  as  one  man  (without 
exception,  comp.  iii.  9),  they  were  all  clean. 
— This  has  reference  not  lo  the  cause  of  the  cele- 
bration, but  its  possibility.  Priests  and  Levites 
had  sufficiently  prepared  themselves,  and  were 
now  in  the  condition  to  fulfil  the  duties  devolved 
upon  them.  Defilements,  as  Lev.  xxii.4sq.  makes 
them  especially  prominent  with  reference  to  the 
priests,  occurred  again  and  again,  and  had  been 
certainly  more  frequent  under  previous  circum- 
stances, where  the  priests  as  such  had  come  but 
little  into  consideration,  but  they  must  now  he 
put  aside  ere  they  could  fulfil  their  priestly 
functions.     At  any  rate,   the   author    means  lo 


68 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


point  out  a  noble  readiness,  yea,  a  holy  zeal,  on 
tbeir  part.  The  subjects  of  'BQIi''  are,  as  is 
clear  from  the  following  context,  those  who  were 
to  do  the  slaughtering,  e.g.  of  the  Levites.  Proper- 
ly, it  is  true,  every  father  of  a  family  had  himself 
to  slay  the  Paschal  lamb,  Ex.  xii.  6  sq.;  but  after 
the  time  of  Hezekiah,  when  the  Levites  had  un- 
dertaken the  slaying  for  all  who  had  not  puri- 
fied themselves  (2  Chron.  xxx.  11),  it  seems  to 
have  been  more  and  more  the  custom  for  the  Le- 
vites to  do  the  slaughtering  lor  all  (comp.  2  Chr. 
xxxv.  4,  14) — for  the  priests,  because  they  were 
so  busy  elsewhere;  and  for  the  rest  of  the  peo- 
ple, because  it  was  so  easy  for  a  defilement  to 
happen  to  them.  As  in  2  Chron.  xxix.  34;  xxxv. 
15,  the  priests  are  designated  as  their  =  the  Le- 
vites' brethren,  probably  in  connection  with  the 

increasing  importance  of  the  Levites.  Dri7l  = 
"and  for  themselves,"   as  in  2  Chron.  xxxv.  14. 

Ver.  21.  This  fair  conclusion  of  the  previous 
times  of  trial,  and  this  promising  beginning  of 
the  new  congregation  was  all  the  grander  that, 
the  returned  did  not  eat  the  Passover  alone,  but 
also  such  persons  united  with  them  who  woul  1 
Beparate  themselves  from  the  impurities  of  the 
people  of  the  land,  and  seized  with  a  new  and 
holy  zeal,  would  henceforth  hold  to  the  Lord. — 
And  all  such  as  had  separated  themselves 
unto  them  from  the  filthiness  of  the  hea- 
then of  the  land.— pxn  \\M,  as  pXH  'Bg, 
X.  2,  11,  are  the  heathen  nation?  dwelling  in  Pa- 
lestine, whilst  the  heal  hen  in  neighboring  lands 
belong  to  the  niSINH  'S£,  ix.  1,2;  iii.  3.  Those 
who  separated  themselves  from  these  heathen 
are  not  proselytes  from  heathenism  (Aben  Ezra, 
Raschi,  Clericus.  et  al.),  but  descendants  of  the 
Jews  and  Israelites  who  had  remained  in  the 
land  when  the  rest  of  the  nation  had  been  car- 
ried captive,  as  all  the  parallel  passages  show, 
comp.  ix.  1,  10;  X.  2,  10,  11;  Neh.  ix.  2;  x.  29. 
They  had  without  doubt  intermarried  with  the 
heathen,  and  the  more  they  had  entered  into 
communion  with  them,  the  less  were  they  in  a 
positiou  to  observe  the  Mosaic  laws  respecting 
food  and  purification.  To  separate  themselves 
from  the  impurities  of  the  heathen  meant  for 
them  to  forsake  altogether  communion  with  the 
heathen,  and   seek  communion  with  the  Jewish 

congregation.     For  tyT17  comp.  iv.  2. 

Ver.  22.  If  eating  trie  passover  (namely,  in 
the  narrow  sense,  notin  the  broader  8'-nsc,  which 
means  to  eat  the  festival  oflferings  in  general, 
comp.  Deut.  xvi.  3)  as  a  means  of  appropriating 
the  covenant  grace,  closely  combines  seriousness 
and  joy,  so  the  eating  of  the  unleavened  bread 
ministered  exclusively  to  joy  and  gave  full  ex- 
pression to  their  joyous  and  elevated  feelings. 
The  concluding  clause — for  then  had  the  Lord 
made  them  joyful,  and  turned  the  heart 
of  the  king  of  Assyria  unto  them — means 
tosay:  for  after  all  the  hard  Bufferings  of  the 
exile,  and  after  all  the  severe  trials  which  had 
come  upon  them  since  the  time  of  Cyrus,  the 
Lord  had  now,  by  the  re-establishment  of  the 
temple,  exactly  seventy  years  after  its  destruc- 
tion, caused  a  real  and  great  change  of  affairs  to 
take   place.     There  was  now  a  new  foundation 


for  the  celebration  of  redemption,  a  second  re- 
demption, which  was  hardly  less  than  the  pre- 
vious one  out  of  Egypt,  a  redemption  out  of  the 
firm  bonds  of  Assyria.  Darius,  the  king  of  Per- 
sia, is  here  called  king  of  Assyria,  not  only  ''»9 
ruler  of  the  territory  of  the  previous  Persian 
empire  (Keil),  or  because  Assyria  from  ancient 
time  had  been  the  usual  name  tor  all  that  region 
(Clericus),*  which  cannot  be  proved  from  Judith 
ii.  1 ;  but  above  all,  likewise,  because  Darius,  as 
head  of  the  great  empire  of  the  world,  properly 
took  the  Bame  relative  position  over  against  the 
people  of  God  as  the  Assyrian  and  Chaldean  kings 
had  once  had,  because  it  was  properly  only  a 
continuation  or  renewal  of  the  same,  and  be- 
ciuse  the  thought  was  now  to  be  expressed  that 
finally  that  very  enemy  who  had  once  so  fearfully 
and  destructively  oppressed  the  people  of  God 
had  been  changed  by  the  grace  of  God  into  a 
friend,  so  that  he  had  even  himself  strengthened 
the  hands  of  the  congregation  in  re-establishing 
the  destroyed  temple  (as  I  have  alread3'  shown 
in  my  article,  Studien  und  Krttiken,  1858,  S.  51). -I 
T   pin  with  3  as  1  Sam.  xxiii.  16. 


THOUGHTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OF  REDEMPTION. 

Vers.  1-5.  1)  It  was  not  alone  Cyrus  who  had 
previously  determined  and  established  in  docu- 
ments the  restoration  of  the  temple  and  its  wor- 
ship, even  to  the  de'ails  of  the  limits  of  its 
measurements,  the  kind  of  material  that  should 
be  employed,  but  also  before  all  God  the  Lord 
Himself,  as  the  great  prophecy  of  Ezekiel  re- 
specting the  new  temple  (Ezek.  xl-xlvii.)  shows. 
Cyrus  was  only  an  instrument  of  the  Lord,  and 
had  only  given  expression  to  His  sovereign  will. 
Thus  the  congregation,  however  many  hin- 
drances might  be  placed  in  their  way,  although 
the  circumstances  might  appear  different  to  them, 
yet  having  the  eye  of  faith,  they  had  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  despondency,  but  only  the  more 
confidently  to  look  upon  the  wonderful  provi- 
dence of  God,  which  makes  even  opposing  forces 
to  serve  His  purpose.  Is  there  not  then  also 
with  respect  to  the  building  of  the  Christian 
Church  or  of  the  kingdom  of  God  such  a  divine 
predestination,  whicli  has  provided  beforehand 
even  to  details  all  and  everything  that  is  adapted 
to  the  honor  of  the  Lord  and  the  salvation  of 
men;  and  which  in  spite  of  temporary  gloom 
and  struggles  and  apparent  defeat,  must  yet 
more  and  more  prevail,  and  be  carried  out  more 
and  more  decidedly  by  princes  and  peoples 
whether  they  be  Christian  or  not?  The  pro- 
phecy of  Ezekiel  and  even  the  edict  of  Cyrus  are 
evidences  to  us  that  there  is  Buch  a  predestina- 
tion, and  that  likewise  there  has  been  prepared, 
so  to  Bay,  a  document  which  can  never  be  hist 
or  destroyed  ;  for  they  prove  that  the  temple  of 
God   can   suffer    only    temporal,    properly    only 


*  [Rawlinson  in  loco  mentions  as  a  corresponding  fact 
that  Herodotus,  with  similar  inexactness,  calls  Cyrus 
tin   Ici'r-:  of  the  Medesd.  200).— Tit.) 

t  [This  was  in  accordance  with  the  constant  usage 
of  prophecy  in  representing  all  the  enemies  of  the  king- 
dom of  Goii  by  the  most  prominent  enemy  of  the  pro- 
phets' time.  This  enemy  having  been  tho  Assyrian  in 
the  times  of  the  prophets,  it  was  natural  that  in  think- 
ing ..i  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy,  the  author  should  use 
the  prophetic  term. — Ta.] 


CHAP.  VI.  1-22. 


G9 


apparent  losses,  that  it  must  grow  aud  increase 
ami  gain  one  victory  after  another. 

2)  It  is  not  euougti  for  the  Lord  to  restore 
His  kingdom  and  glory  when  sin  and  judgments 
have  come  in  between  to  disturb  them :  He 
causes  Ilia  kingdom  to  grow,  increase,  advance. 
Where  there  is  life,  there  is  also  development, 
appropriation,  struggle  and  victory.  Here  is 
the  highest:  and  most  powerful,  here  h  the  divine 
life.  Cyrus  must  even  surpass  a  Solomon,  with 
respect  to  the  size  of  the  temple,  in  order  to 
show  that  the  cause  and  kingdom  of  God  ad- 
vances victoriously  from  century  to  century 
through  the  history  of  mankind,  and  ever  achieves 
a  higher  stage  towards  the  highest  and  most 
glorious  end.  It  is  true  He  more  and  more  de- 
prives His  Church  of ex'ernal  power  and  pomp; 
it  is  to  become  more  and  more  internal  and  spi- 
ritual, and  thus  to  work.  But  even  this  change 
is  a  great  advance.  If  the  walls  which  the 
worldly  power  has  drawn  around  the  Church 
fail,  theu  we  need  comfort  ourselves  with  the 
words  of  the  Lord  through  Zechari  ill  (iv,  G)  in 
these  very  times  of  Darius  "not  by  might  and 
not  by  power  (namely,  on  the  side  of  men),  but  by 
my  Spirit,"  and  as  an  open  country  shall  Jeru- 
salem lie  on  account  of  crowds  of  men  and  cat- 
tle in  her.  I  myself  will  be  to  her  a  wall  of  fire 
round  about  and  for  glory  1  will  be  in  her 
(ii.  8). 

Vers.  1-12.  The  worldly  authorities  have  often 
lower  motives  or  interests  in  the  steps  that  they 
take;  it  is  often  merely  to  iucrease  their  autho- 
rity and  their  power.  Thus  the  Persian  officials 
when  they  made  iuquiry  ia  Jerusalem  and  re- 
ported to  Darius  would  merely  prove  their 
watchfulness.  The  emperor  Augustus,  when 
he  gave  the  command  Luke  ii.,  would  merely 
accomplish  a  census  of  Israel.  But  the  conse- 
quences that  followed  their  steps  were  yet,  by 
God's  will,  the  advancement  of  His  kingdom. 
The  Persian  governor  here  must  give  the  occa- 
sipn  thereto  in  that  the  ancient  decree  of  Cyrus 
is  again  brought  to  light,  and  the  new  and  still 
more  favorable  one  of  Darius  in  addition  is  car- 
ried into  effect. 

Vers.  B— 12.  Earthly  kingdoms  must  perish  to 
make  room  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  king- 
dom of  God.  Thus  had  the  Lord  spoken  in  the 
second  year  of  Darius,  accordingly  four  years 
before  t.he  completion  of  the  temple  through 
Hagg.  ii.  20  sq.  I  will  shake  the  heavens  and 
the  earth,  ami  overthrow  the  throne  of  king- 
doms, and  destroy  the  strength  of  the  kingdoms 
of  the  heathen,  and  overthrow  the  chariots  and 
those  that  ride  in  them,  that  the  horses  and 
their  riders  shall  come  down,  every  one  by  the 
sword  of  his  brother— and  indeed  all  this  in 
order  to  erect  the  promised  kingdom  of  the  Mes- 
siah. And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  who  stood 
between  the  myrtle  trees  (Zech.  i.  11,  12),  when 
his  messenger  announced  to  him  that  the  whole 
earth  sitteth  still,  and  is  at  rest,  cried  out  in 
intercession:  Jehovah  Sabaoth,  how  long  will 
Thou  not  have  mercy  on  Jerusalem  and  the  cities 
of  Judah,  against  which  Thou  hast  had  indigna- 
liou  these  seventy  years,  imploring  the  shaking 
and  destroying  of  the  heathen  kingdoms.  But 
these  latter  must  p  rish  only  in  so  far  as  they 
stand  entirely  in  the  way  of  the  kingdom  of  God, 


and  will  not  let  that  kingdom  come  at  all.  At 
the  bottom  the  interests  of  the  earthly  powers 
and  rulers  agree  very  well  with  those  of  tho 
kingdom  of  God.  Darius  rightly  laid  great 
value  upon  the  execution  of  his  edict  with  refer- 
ence to  the  fuitherauce  and  support  of  the  wor- 
ship in  Jerusalem.  His  wish  that  they  should 
offer  sacrifices  of  sweet  savor  to  the  God  of  hea- 
ven in  Jerusalem,  and  pray  for  his  life  and  the 
life  of  his  son,  not  only  might,  but  iudeed  must 
be  fulfilled,  so  sure  as  the  congregation  of  the 
true  God  must  be  grateful,  and  indeed  sincerely 
and  heartily.  Coujp.  Jer.  xxix.  7;  1  Mace.  xii. 
11;  1  Tim.  ii.  2.  The  congregation  could  be  in 
his  way  only  if  it-  sought  again  for  earthly 
power  and  freedom,  if  it  thus  had  forgotten  its 
proper  nature  aud  its  true  calling.  Let  tho 
church  then  earnestly  examine  itself  when  it 
enters  into  conflict  with  the  State  whether  it  is 
not  going  astray  from  its  proper  ways.  Woe  to 
it  if  instead  of  permeating  the  State  more  and 
more  with  divine  thoughts,  it  itself  gives  more 
nod  more  place  for  human  thoughts  aud  human 
nature;  if  it  regards  flesh  for  its  arm  and  seeks 
to  appropriate  to  itself  that  which  belongs  to 
the  State.  If  the  salt  itself  has  lost  its  savor, 
wherewith  shall  we  season?  The  responsibility 
of  Rome,  which  would  bow  the  States  not.  under 
the  kingdom  of  God,  but  under  its  own  rule 
which  is  still  so  carnal,  is  great,  the  greater 
that  thereby  so  easily  the  false  view  is  awakened, 
as  if  State  and  Church  could  not  avoid  in  any 
way  being  in  conflict  with  one  another. — Al- 
ready through  Cyrus  and  Darius  there  was  a 
fulfillment  of  those  great  and  noble  words  of 
Isai.  xlix.  23:  "  Kings  thall  be  thy  foster-fathers, 
and  their  queens  thy  nursing-mothers;  they 
shall  bow  down  to  thee  with  their  faces  toward 
the  earth,  and  lick  up  the  dust  of  thy  feet." 
But  already  now  it  is  manifest  that  the  true  ful- 
fillment involves  neither  on  the  part  of  kings  a 
determining  influence  on  the  mo  le  of  worship, 
nor  on  the  side  of  the  congregation  an  external 
sovereignty  over  kings. 

Vers.  13-15.  Much  was  required,  and  very 
many  different  things  must  come  together  from 
different  sides,  in  order  that  the  building  of  the 
house  of  God  might  be  undertaken,  and  could 
be  actually  finished.  Above  all  it  was  necessary 
that  it  should'  be  in  accordance  with  the  will 
of  God  the  Lord  Himself,  and  then  that  the 
rulers  of  the  world  should  likewise  be  willing 
thereunto.  The  congregation  had  brought  about 
this  dependence  on  the  world  by  their  own  sins, 
aud  they  were  now  obliged  to  be  satisfied  with 
it.  So  also  it  was  necessary  that  the  congrega- 
tion itself  should  be  aroused  to  true  readiness, 
and  be  strengihened  when  wearied  by  the  hin- 
drances that  placed  themselves  in  their  way. 
It  was  therefore  necessary  that  suitable  pro- 
phetic organs  should  be  found,  who  nrght  work 
upon  the  congregation  through  the  divine  word 
and  in  the  power  of  the  divine  Spirit.  But 
much  more  than  this  was  still,  if  not  exactly 
necessary,  yet  highly  important,  so,  for  exam- 
ple, that  the  nearest  authorities  in  Palestine 
should  be  distinguished  by  righteousness  or  im- 
partiality. And  so  it  finally  came  to  pass,  and 
at  last  all  things  worked  well  together  in  cor- 
respondence with  the  divine  purpose  of  redemp. 


70 


THE  COOK  OF  EZRA. 


firm.  We  say  "  finally  "  and  "at  last;"  but  it 
was  now  for  the  first  the  exactly  right  time. 
The  temple  was  ready  just  seventy  years  after  its 
destruction,  so  that  the  prophecy  of  the  seventy 
years  was  now  fulfilled  exactly  thereby.  Would 
that  the  congregation,  the  Church,  might  have 
like  patience  with  respect  to  the  accomplishment 
of  greater  work,  the  revival  of  faith  in  the  un- 
believing community,  or  the  Christianizing  of 
the  heathen  world.  Would  that  they  might 
never  be  over-hasty  or  attempt  to  use  violence 
in  accomplishing  that  which  can  come  to  pass 
only  when  it  has  been  sufficiently  prepared,  an  1 
bo  to  say,  is  ripe;  when  likewise  it  has  a  real 
■value.  Would  that  they  might  never  regard  the 
time  that  elapses  too  long,  but  rather  think  that 
the  building  of  the  house  of  God  is  the  highest 
and  most  glorious,  and  on  this  very  account  the 
most  difficult  work  on  earth,  which  can  only  be 
the  final  result  of  all  other  works,  arrangements 
and  developments. 

Vers.  16-18.  1)  The  congregation  dedicated 
the  house  of  God  with  joy.  They  might  have 
held  a  fast  day  instead  of  a  fea.H  of  joy.  Even 
now  when  the  work,  after  many  years  of  effort, 
stood  before  them  finished,  lofty  and  broad 
enough,  it  is  true,  but  far  from  reaching  the 
magnificence  of  the  old  temple,  and  besides  ac- 
complished only  through  the  permission,  and 
indeed  the  assistance  of  a  foreign  heathen  king, 
they  might  have  had  a  specially  vivid  realiza- 
tion of  the  entire  wretchedness  of  their  situation 
according  to  external  appearance.  How  easily 
there  comes  over  us  men,  at  the  very  lime  when 
we  reach  the  aim  of  long-cherished  hopes  and 
strivings,  dissatisfaction,  ill  humor,  dejection, 
instead  of  joy,  because  it  does  not  correspo  id 
with  our  ideas!  But  it  is  a  matter  of  humility 
and  faith,  under  all  circumstances,  to  recognize 
willi  internal  thankfulness  that  that  which  has 
been  g  lined  is  much  more  than  we  could  in  any 
way  expect,  that  it  is  super-abundant  grace  and 
mercy :  a  child-like  heart  with  reference  lo 
what  is  still  denied  us  waits  patiently  on  the 
Lord,  and  says  to  itself  that  it  is  perhaps  unable 
to  judge  correctly  respecting  what  at  preseut 
does  not  at  all  please  it.  With  humble,  believ- 
ing, childlike  hearts  shall  we  be  able  again  and 
again  to  ascend  from  the  vale  of  tears  to  the 
bright  peaks  of  joy,  shall  ag  an  and  again  be 
able  to  celebrate  feasts  of  dedication  and  really 
enjoy  the  times  of  refreshment  and  grace  which 
the  Lord  gives  as  the  very  thing  that  should 
b1.  It  is  notable  and  edifying  for  us  to  see 
that  those  poets  of  the  Psalter,  who  probably 
belong  to  this  period,  had  sufficient  joy  of  faith 
to  comfort  and  encourage  above  all  their  people, 
the  poets  of  Ps.  exxxv.  and  exxxvi..  in  that  they 
called  upon  them  to  praise  the  Lord  on  account 
of  His  revelation  of  Himself  in  nature,  but  espe- 
c'ally  for  his  revelation  in  history;  the  poet  of 
Ps.  cxlvi.,  in  that  he  strikes  up, 

"Bless  the  Lord,  0  my  soul," 

which  is  sweetly  re-echoed  in  our 

•        "Lnhr  den  Hrrrn.  O  mcine  Secle,  ich  will  ihn  loben  bis 
in  den  Tod." 

Without  doubt  the  congregation  then  sung  Ps. 
cxviii.  with  the  inmost  accord  of  the  heart,  al- 


though it  was  really  composed  somewhat  earlier, 
an  1  especially  did  they  appropriate  with  greatly 
agitated  hearts  the  shout  of  triumph  :  "  The  right 
hand  of  the  Lord  is  exalted,  the  right  hand  of 
tie  Lord  doeth  valianily — open  to  me  the  gates 
of  righteousness;  I  will  go  in,  and  I  will  praise 
the  Lord — the  stone  which  the  builders  refused 
is  become  the  head  of  the  corner."  The  poet  of 
Ps.  exxxvii.,  whose  heart  Bwells  with  patriotism 
and  religion,  at  the  same  time  with  freshness  and 
p  iwer,  yea,  almost  with  passion,  cannot  but  re- 
call, with  the  most  bitter  experience,  the  abode 
in  exile :  "  By  the  rivers  of  Babylon  there  we  sat 
down;  yea  we  wept,"  and  wish  Babylon  a  just 
recompense,  thus  regarding  his  present  situation 
as  so  much  better.  But  already  the  Lord  like- 
wise came  to  the  help  of  their  faith,  as  is  clear 
from  this  very  Psalm,  in  that  even  now,  when  He 
turned  the  heart  of  the  king  of  Assyria  towards 
Israel,  and  thus  brought  the  period  of  exile  to  an 
end,  He  delivered  over  the  ancient  enemy  Baby- 
lon to  the  destroying  judgment.  Already  the 
same  Dirius,  to  whom  the  restoration  is  very 
properly  ascribed,  had  so  severely  chastised  Ba- 
bylon, that  the  poet  of  Ps  exxxvii.  can  designate 
it  in  ver.  8  as  overthrown  or  laid  waste. 

2)  It  was  still  the  highest,  thing  for  the  con- 
gregation of  the  old  covenant  to  dedicate  a  tem- 
ple, iu  which  the  Lord  would  dwell  in  their 
midst,  yet  separated  from  them,  and  indeed  in 
the  midst  of  a  priesthood,  which  must  still  staud 
to  mediate  between  them  and  the  Lord.  To  us, 
the  New  Testament  congregation,  much  more  is 
granted.  On  the  peaks  that  we  Christians  may 
ascend  in  humility  and  faith,  we  should  dedicate 
temples  to  the  Lord,  since  He  will  dwell  among 
us,  moreover  also  internally  within  us,  namely, 
in  our  hearts,  we  should  accordingly  rejoice 
in  an  entirely  immediate  communion  with  Him, 
and  all  the  peace  and  blessing  that  are  involved 
therein,  and  exercise  ourselves  in  a  holy  priest- 
hood, that  is,  offer  sacrifices  of  praise  through 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  show  forth,  etc.  1 
Peter  ii.  9. 

3)  Vers,  lfl-22.  The  Feast  of  Passover  and  un- 
leavened bread  constituted  the  conclusion  of  the 
old  and  the  beginningof  thenew  period.  Through 
the  offering  of  the  Paschal  Lamb  and  the  partaking 
of  the  Passover  meal  connected  therewith,  the 
congregation  of  the  old  Covenant  appropriated 
to  iiself  the  forgiveness  of  Sod  as  the  God  of  the 
covenant,  which  forgiveness  they  ever  needed, 
and  the  preservation  conditioned  thereon.  But 
through  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  they  vowed, 
in  that  the  strict  abstinence  from  all  leaven  was 
connected  therewith,  io  walk  not  in  the  old  lea- 
ven of  wickedness  ami  wantonness,  but  in  the 
unleavened  bread  of  sincerity  and  truth.  Well 
for  us  that  we  also,  where  we  are  truly  conscious 
of  our  redemption,  can  celebrate  ever  anew  the 
feast  of  passover  and  unleavened  bread,  since  we 
also  have  a  paschal  lamb,  yea,  that  we  can  do 
this  in  a  different  way  from  the  Old  Testament 
congregation,  since  our  paschal  offering  and  the 
sacred  meal  connected  therewith,  imparts  in  a 
much  more  powerful  manner  forgiveness  and 
preservation,  since  we  thus  have  far  more  cogent 
motives  to  rise  into  the  new  and  pure  life  of  sin- 
cerity and  truth. 


CHAP.   VI     1-22. 


71 


HOMILETICAL    AND    PRACTICAL. 

Vers  1-12.  That  which  threatens  lo  become  a 
hindrance  must  serve  for  our  advantage.  1) 
When, — if  in  our  undertakings,  looking  at  the 
final  aim.  it  is  to  be  done  for  the  cause  and  glory 
of  God.  2)  Why, — because  the  advancement  of 
the  cause  of  God,  long  in  advance  and  to  the  mi- 
nutest detail  has  been  once  for  all  provided  for 
and  ordained.  3)  How, — the  example  of  prede- 
cessors, who  have  previously  taken  part  in  this 
work,  comes  into  mind  and  gives  their  successors 
a  favorable  disposition  towards  the  work. — 
Starke:  It  is  easy  to  conceive,  moreover,  how 
it  must  have  grieved  the  Samaritans  that  they 
were  not  only  obliged  to  let  the  temple  be  en- 
tirely brought  to  completion,  but  that  also  their 
tribute  should  be  applied  to  the  promotion 
of  the  building,  and  the  observation  of  the 
divine  service  with  sacrifices.  —  How  import- 
ant and  thankworthy  the  favorable  conduct 
of  even  heathen  princes  has  been  toward  the 
people  of  God.  1)  That  of  Cyrus — a,  He  gave 
to  the  congregation  again  their  liberty  to  wor- 
ship the  Lord,  and  ordered  the  restoration  of  the 
temple;  b,  he  thereby  gave  an  example,  which 
determined  the  conduct  of  his  successors. — 
Starke:  Great  lords  should  be  diligent  in  the 
practice  of  virtue,  in  order  that  their  successors 
after  their  death  may  have  a  good  example,  and 
that  they  thereby  may  gain  an  everlastingnatne. 
Ecci.  vii.  1  :  Prov.  xxii.  1.  The  richest  persons 
should  be  the  first  to  open  their  liberal  hands 
when  something  is  to  be  given  for  the  building 
of  churches  and  the  support  of  the  ministry. — 
God  has  the  heart  of  kings  also  in  His  hand  and 
can  incline  them  so  that  they  are  obliged  to  have 
good-will  to  His  children,  Din.  ii.  48.  2)  The 
favorable  conduct  of  Darius:  a)  he  lets  himself 
he  guided  by  a  noble  example,  yea  seeks  to  sur- 
pass it;  b)  he  desires  the  prayers  of  the  congre- 
gation; c)  he  used  his  power  in  a  good  and  pro- 
per manner  to  help  the  pious  and  threaten  the 
wicked. — Starke:  Respecting  the  duty  of  sub- 
jects to  pray  for  their  rulers,  even  if  they  are 
heathen,  see  1  Tim.  ii.  2;  comp.  Jer.  xxix.  7;  1 
Mace.  xii.  11.  Magistrates  should  act  in  their 
government  so  as  to  comfort  themselves  with  the 
general  prayers  of  their  subjects.  Regents 
should  make  arrangements  that  prayers  should 
be  made  to  God  for  their  welfare  and  successful 
government;  for  the  devil  lays  many  snares  for 


them,  but  a  devout  prayer  will  help  them  much. 
The  sword,  intrusted  by  God  to  magistrates, 
must  afford  protection  to  the  pious,  Rom.  xiii.  4. 
Vers.  13-10.  The  building  of  the  temple  or 
kingdom  of  God  is  the  final  result  of  all  the  di- 
vine guidance:  1)  It  needs  the  willingness  of 
the  congregation,  anil  on  this  account  also  the 
activity  of  prophets  and  preachers;  2)  it  needs, 
moreover,  kings  and  their  representatives,  and 
on  this  account  also  a  direction  of  history,  by 
which  God  works  on  their  hearts;  3)  it  needs 
above  all  the  good  and  gracious  will  of  God. — 
Starke:  The  Lord  has  a  kingdom  and  He  rules 
among  the  heathen,  Ps.  xxii.  29.  He  brings  the 
counsel  of  the  heathen  to  nought,  and  turns  the 
thoughts  of  the  nations,  He  disposes  their  hearts. 
Ps.  xxxiii.  10,  15. 

Vers.  16-18.  The  true  joy  of  dedication.  1) 
Upon  what  it  is  founded  :  Starke:  My  Chris- 
tian friend,  has  the  spiritual  building  of  the  house 
of  God  been  established  in  thy  soul,  then  forget 
not  to  praise  and  give  thanks.  2)  How  it  is  estab- 
lished,— -by  our  taking  to  ourselves,  with  humi- 
lity and  gratitude,  what  the  Lord  grants,  as  truly 
good  and  salutary,  and  puttiug  our  trust  in  Him 
with  respect  to  all  that  is  still  lacking.  3)  How 
it  expresses  itself  by  true  sacrifices,  thus  by 
setting  to  work  in  the  universal  priesthood. — 
Starke:  Our  redemption  from  the  kingdom  of  the 
devil  and  the  deliverance  of  the  church  is  tlie 
work  of  God  alone;  for  His  hand  helps  power- 
fully, Ps.  xx.  7.  And  then  for  the  first  will  our 
mouth  he  full  of  laughter,  and  our  tongue  full 
with  singing,   Ps.  exxvi.  2. 

Vers.  19-22.  The  life  of  him  who  has  conse- 
crated his  heart  to  be  a  temple  of  the  Lord  is  a 
continual  passover  feast,  for  he  feels  himself 
compelled,  1)  ever  to  take  anew  grace  for  grace, 
fleeing  from  the  death  of  the  curse  ;  2)  ever  anew 
to  let  himself  be  sanctified  unto  sincerity  and 
truth,  so  that  he  rises  from  the  death  of  sin  ;  3) 
to  rejoice  with  the  holy  passover  joy  of  redemp- 
tion, which  God  has  accomplished  in  Jesus  Christ, 
and  which  He  will  likewise  fulfil  in  Him  at  last. 
— [Henry:  Let  not  the  greatest  princes  despise 
the  prayers  of  the  meanest  saints  ;  'tis  desirable 
to  have  them  for  us,  and  drtadful  to  have  them 
against  us. — Whatever  we  dedicate  to  God,  let  it 
be  done  with  joy,  that  He  will  please  to  accept 
of  it. — The  purity  of  ministers  adds  much  to  the 
beauty  of  their  ministrations,  so  doth  their 
unity.— Tr.] 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRi. 


PART  SECOND. 

The  Congregation  as  the  People  of  the  Lord      Negative    Strengthening  of  their 
Life  in  the   Law   (Ezras  Activity). 

Chaps.  VII.-X. 

FIRST   SECTION. 

Ezra's  Emigration  to  Jerusalem. 
Chaps.  VII.-VIII. 

A.— EZRA'S   JOURNEY  AND   PURPOSE,  AND  ARTAXERXES'   LETTER   OF   COMMISSION. 

Chap.  VII.    1-27. 
I.  Ezra' s  Journey  and  Purpose.     Vers.  1—10. 

1  Now  after  these  things,  iu  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  king  of  Persia,  Ezra  the  son 

2  of  Seraiah,  the  s<m  of  Azariah,  the  son  of  Hilkiah,  The  son  of  Shallum,  the  son  of 

3  Zadok,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  The  sou  of  Amariah,  the  son  of  Azaiiah,  the  son  of  Ma- 
4,  5  rioth,The  son  of  Zerahiah,  the  son  of  Uzzi,  the  son  of  Bukki,  The  son  of  Abishua, 

6  the  son  of  Phinehas.  the  sou  of  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Aaron  the  chief  priest :  This 
Ezra  went  up  Irom  Babylon ;  and  he  was  a  ready  scribe  in  the  law  of  Moses,  which 
the  Lord  God  of  Israel  had  given :  and  the  king  granted  him  all  his  request,  accord- 

7  ing  to  the  hand  of  the  Lord  his  God  upon  him.  And  there  went  up  some  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  and  of  the  priests,  and  the  Levites,  and  the  singers,  and  the  por- 
ters, and  the  Nethiuim,  unto  Jerusalem,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes  the  king. 

8  And  he  came  to  Jerusalem  in  the  fifth  month,  which  was  in  the  seventh  )Tear  of  the 

9  king.  For  upon  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  began  he  to  go  up  from  Babylon, 
and  on  the  first  day  of  the  fifth  month  came  he  to  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  g'.od 

10  hand  of  his  God  upon  him.  For  Ezra  had  prenared  his  heart  to  seek  the  law  of 
the  Lord,  and  to  do  it,  and  to  teach  in  Israel  statutes  and  judgments. 

II.  Artaxerxes'  Letter  of  Commission. 

11  Now  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letter  that  the  king  Artaxerxes  gave  unto  Ezra  the 
priest,  the  scribe,  even  a  scribe  of  the  words  of  the  commandments  of  the  Lord,  and 

12  of  his  statutes  to  Israel.     Artaxerxes,  king  of  kings,  unto  Ezra  the  priest,  a  scribe 

13  of  the  law  of  the  God  of  heaven,  perfect  peace,  and  at  such  a  time.  I  make  a  de- 
cree, that  all  they  of  the  pe  iple  of  Israel,  and  of  his  priests  and  Levites,  in  my  realm, 

14  which  are  minded  of  their  own  freewill  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  go  with  thee.  For- 
asmuch as  thou  art  sent  of  the  king,  and  of  his  seven  counsellors,  to  inquire  concern- 
ing Judah  and  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  law  of  thy  God  which  is  in  thine  hand  ; 

15  And  to  carry  the  silver  and  gold,  which  the  king  and  his  counsellors  have  freely 

16  offered  unto  the  Go)  of  Israel,  whose  habitation  is  in  Jerusalem,  And  all  the  silver 
aDd  gold  that  thou  canst  find  in  all  the  province  of  Babylon,  with  the  freewill 
offering  of  the  people,  and  of  the  priests,  offering  willingly  for  the  house  of  their 

17  God  which  i.3  iu  Jerusalem:  That  thou  mayest  buy  spedily  with  this  money  bul- 
locks, rams,  lambs,  with  their  meat-offerings  and  their  drink-offerings,  and  offer  them 

18  upon  the  altar  of  th  i  house  of  your  God  which  is  in  Jerusalem.  And  whatsoever 
shall  seem  good  to  thee,  and  to  thy  brethren,  to  do  with  the  rest  of  the  silver  and 


CHAP.  VII.   1-27. 


19  the  gold,  that  do  after  the  will  of  your  God.  The  vessels  a'so  that  are  given  thee 
for  the  s-ervice  of  the  house  of  thy  God.  tlwse  deliver  thou  before  the  God  of  Jerusa- 

20  lem.  And  whatsoever  more  shall  be  needful  for  the  house  of  thy  God,  which  thou 
shah  have  occasion  to  bestow,  best  >w  it  out  of  the  king's  treasure-house.  And  I, 
even,  I  Aitaxerxes  the  king,  do  make  a  decre*  to  all  the  treasurers  which  are 
beyond  the  river,  that  whatsoever  Ezra  the  priest,  the  s  ribe  of  the  law  of  the  God 

22  of  heaven,  shall  require  of  you,  it  be  done  speedily  Unto  a  hundred  talents  of  silver, 
and  to  a  hundred  measures  of  wheat,  and  to  a  hundred  ba'hs  of  wine,  and  to  a  hun- 

23  dred  baths  of  oil,  and  salt  without  prescribing  how  much.  Whatsoever  is  com- 
manded by  the  God  of  heaven,  let  it  be  diligently  done  for  the  house  of  the  God  of 
heaven:  fur  why  should  there  be  wrath  against  the  realm  of  the  king  and  his  eons? 

21  Also  we  certify  you,  that,  touching  any  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  sngers,  porters, 
Nethinim,  or  ministers  of  this  house  of  God,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  impose  toil, 

25  tribute,  or  custom,  upon  them.  And  thou,  Ezra,  after  the  wisdom  of  thy  God,  that 
is  in  thine  hand,  set  magistrates  and  judges,  which  may  judge  all  the  people  that 
are  bevond  the  river, all  such  as  know  the  laws  of  thy  God;  and  teach  ye  them  that 

2G  know  them  not.  And  whosoever  will  not  do  the  law  of  thy  God.  ami  the  law  of  the 
king,  let  judgment  be  executed  speedily  upon  him,  whether  it  be  unto  death,  or  to 
banishment,  or  to  confiscation  of  goods,  or  to  imprisonment. 


III.   Ezra*  Thanksgiving. 

Blessed  be  the  Lord  God  of  our  fathers,  which  hath  put  such  a  thing  as  this  in 
the  king's  heart,  to  beautify  the  bouse  of  the  Lord  which  is  in  J-,  rusalem:  And 
hath  extended  mercy  unto  me  before  the  king,  and  his  counsellors,  and  before  all 
the  king's  mighty  princes.  And  I  was  strengthened  as  the  hand  of  my  Loi;d  my 
God  was  upon  me,  and  I  gathered  together  out  of  Israel  chief  men  to  go  up  with  me. 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Our  author  ha-<  no  scruples  in  simp'y  leaping 
over  a  period  of  fully  fifty-seven  years,  in  the 
use  of  the  loose  connecting  formula  :  And  after 
these  things  (eomp.  Gen.  xv.  1  ;  xxii.  1,  etc.). 
Such  gaps  the  ancient  sacred  history  has  again 
and  again:  it  is  silent  respecting  the  time  be 
tween  Joseph  and  Moses,  respecting  the  time 
passed  by  the  generation  rejected  of  God  in  the 
wilderness,  respecting  the  time  of  the  exile. 
There  wis  lacking  in  these  times  useful  material 
calculated  for  the  edification  of  the  congregation, 
BO  much  the  more  then  must  this  iiave  failed  in 
the  time  subsequent  to  the  building  of  the  tem- 
ple, when  the  congregation  of  Jehovah  had  been 
excused  from  the  task  of  giving  their  life  a  civil 
organization,  and  accordingly  was  referred  to 
a  <|iuet  life,  in  which  there  could  be  no  longer 
expected,  as  in  former  limes,  new  and  important 
manifestations  of  God.  Nevertheless  the  new  be- 
ginning of  the  congregation  after  the  exile,  which 
the  book  of  Gzra  would  describe,  had  not  been 
entirely  completed  by  that  which  had  already 
transpired.  U  is  true  the  temple  and  its  wor- 
ship had  been  re-established  by  Zerubbabel  and 
Jeshua,  but  the  law  was  only  thereby  secured  at 
the  basis,  an  objective  validity.  With  the  new  j 
and  holy  zeal  that  inspired  all,  at  the  beginning, 
it  was  their  earnest  endeavor,  as  we  can  hardly 
doubt,  to  carry  the  law  out  likewise  subjectively 
in  the  domestic  and  personal  life,  with  more  and 
more  completeness  and  thoroughness.  But  the 
vicinity  of  the  heathen,  their  dependence  upon 
their  superior  authorities,  the  manifold  inter- 
course with  many  of  them,  which    could   hardly  i 


be  avoided,  made  the  temptation  easy  to  be 
brought  into  closer  association  with  thcra.  even 
to  intermarry  with  them,  and  thereby  there  was 
necessarily  involved  a  neglect  of  the  law,  espe- 
cially in  its  prescription  as  to  food  and  purity. 
Besides,  the  descendants  of  Zerubbabel,  if  we 
may  refer  Neh.  v.  15  to  them,  were  not  calcu- 
lated to  offer  the  congregation  a  higher  support, 
they  rather,  in  all  probability,  soon  enough  en- 
tirely withdrew.  Thus  notwithstanding  the  tem- 
ple and  its  worship,  that  which  was  properly  the 
principal  thing,  the  life  of  the  congregation  in 
accordance  with  the  law,  yea  the  congregation 
itself  as  such,  was  soon  again  brought  into  ques- 
tion. The  thorough  subordination  to  the  divine 
law,  on  the  part  of  all,  was  now  all  the  more  ne- 
cessary that  it  alone  could  hold  the  individuals 
together.  What  previously  had  been  accom- 
plished by  the  kingdom  in  Israel,  must  now  be 
done  by  the  law.  It  was  necessary  that  the  law, 
as  never  before,  should  be  exalted  on  the  throne. 
And  only  when  a  real  strengthening  of  the  life 
in  the  law  had  taken  place  could  there  be  said 
to  he  such  a  new  establishment  of  the  congrega- 
tion as  really  promised  to  be  the  beginning  of  a 
new  and  permanent,  existence.  This  re-cstab- 
lishment  was  now  for  the  first  the  work  of  Ezra, 
and  is  rightly  ascribed  to  him  by  a  thankful 
posterity  which  honored  him  as  a  second  Moses. 
Cenainly  if  we  look  upon  the  letter  of  commis- 
sion wiiich  Aitaxcxes  gave  him  to  take  along 
with  him  upon  his  first  appearance  in  chap.  viii. 
it  seems  as  if  for  him  likewise  the  worship  of  the 
temple  and  its  furtherance  stood  in  the  fire- 
ground.  And  surely  he  took  great  pains  in  this 
direction  likewise.  But  botli  of  these,  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  looiple    worship,  that    perhaps    again 

•5 


74 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


threatened  to  fall  into  decay,  and  the  strength- 
ening of  the  congregation  in  the  life  in  the  law, 
were  too  closely  connected  together,  that  Ezra 
should  have  thought  the  oncpos-ible  without  the 
other.  And  his  real  design  was  from  the  begin- 
ning very  well  given  in  chap.  vii.  10:  to  teach 
in  Israel  statutes  and  judgments  ;  and  the  letter 
of  commission  of  Artaxerxes  authorized  him,  in 
a  manner  worthy  of  attention  (vii.  25),  to  set  up 
magistrates  and  judges,  who  should  provide  for 
the  enforcement  of  the  law.  In  our  book  he  ac- 
complishes the  re-establishment  at  least  in  a  ne- 
gative way,  by  the  separation  of  heathen  women, 
ia  general  by  the  doing  away  with  intermarriage 
with  the  heathen ;  in  Neh.  (viii. — x.)  likewise  in 
a  positive  way,  that  is,  by  renewing  the  cove- 
nant with  God  on  the  basis  of  those  prescriptions 
of  the  law  that  were  then  most  important. 

Vers.  1-10.  Artachshasta,  which  is  here  writ- 
ten NnDtynrHX,  as  in  ver.  11,  and  viii.  1 ;  Neh. 
ii.  1  ;  v.  14;  xiii.  6,  is  surely  the  same,  who  in 
vi.  14  is  called  NJTOtJnrnN  (so  also  chap.  iv.  8, 
11,23),  and  in  iv.'  7  'NTOOTirnX,  namely,  Ar- 
taxerxes Longimanus.  In  Neh.  xiii.  6,  where 
(he  same  person  is  certainly  meant,  since  there 
is  no  doubt  that  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  were  cotem- 
poraries  according  to  Neh.  xii.  36,  the  reference 
is  to  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  reign.  This 
does  not  properly  refer  to  Xerxes,  whom  Jose- 
phus  (Arch.  XI.  5,  1)  and  recently  even  Fritzsche 
(co"ip.  Esdras  viii.  1),  would  understand,  be- 
cause it  is  most  natural  to  think  of  him  after  the 
Darius  of  the  previous  chapter,  but  only  to  Ar- 
taxerxes  Longimanus,  to  whom  indeed  the  Dame 
itself  refers  wiih  sufficient  clearness.  Ezra 
sprang,  according  to  the  accompanying  gene- 
alogy from  the  family  of  the  high-priest  through 
Seraiah.  For  all  the  names  from  Seraiah  up  to 
Aaron  are  of  the  line  of  the  high-priest  (comp. 
1  Chron.  v.  30—40) ;  only  in  ver.  3  six  members 
of  the  line  are  pissed  over  between  Azariah  and 
Meraioth  (according  to  1  Chron.  vi.  7-10),  with- 
out doubt  only  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  as  is  fre- 
quently the  case  in  the  longer  genealogies.  Se- 
raiah, the  son  of  Azariah,  the  son  of  Hilkiah. 
was  the  high-priest  whom  Nebuchadnezzar  had 
commanded  to  be  slain  at  Riblah  (2  Kings  xxv. 
18-21),  was  thus  the  father  of  the  high-priest 
Jehozadak,  who  was  carried  into  exile  (1  Chro- 
nicles vi.  14  sq.).  It  is  very  notable,  however, 
that  Ezra  did  Dot  spring  from  Jehozadak  in 
whose  line  the  high-priesthood  was  inherited, 
but  from  a  younger  son  ;  for  else  the  interve- 
ning member  between  him  and  Seraiah  would 
not  have  been  left  unmentioned.  Ezra  was 
probably  the  great  great-grandson  of  Seraiah ; 
tor  the  high-priest  Jeshua  who  had  gone  to 
Jerusalem  seventy-eight  years  before  with  Ze- 
rubbabel,  was  a  grandson  of  Seraiah.  One  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years  had  already  passed  since 
the  execution  of  t lie  latter  in  the  year  588. 

Ver.  6.  This  Ezra  -went  up  from  Baby- 
lon.— This  reuews  the  subject  and  gives  the 
predicate  of  ver.  1. — A  ready  scribe. — Since 
Ezra  is  designated  already  at  the  beginning  as 
a  skillful  or  learned  scholar,  that  talent  is 
ascribed  to  him.  upon  which  under  the  present 
ciroumstances,  the   fostering  of  Iho   lifo   of  the 


congregation  most  depended.  1310,  in  the  an- 
cient writings,  writer  or  secretary,  has  already 
obtained  the  meaning  of  ypa/iua-ehc  in  Jer.  viii. 
8,  where  it  is  parallel  and  synonymous  with 
D'ODH.  If  it  became  the  official  name  of  the 
chancellor  in  the  sense  of  scribe,  it  has  in  the 
sense  of  scholar,  as  is  clear  especially  from  ver. 
11,  already  almost  the  character  of  a  title  of 
honor  for  the  man  of  learning.  The  additional 
clause  :  the  king  granted  him all  his  re- 
quest, indicates  that  his  journey  was  no  pri- 
vate undertaking,  that  he  rather  was  provided 
with  a  certain  authority,  and  journeyed  as  an 
official  personage.  Yet  we  must  not  think  of 
him  as  governor  of  Judah  ;  he  is  nowhere  given 
this  title.  He  had  simply  the  authority  to  teach 
as  a  teacher  his  knowledge  of  the  law,  and  at 
the  same  time  as  a  superior  judge — according  to 
ver.  25,  likewise  by  the  selling  up  of  suitably 
subordinate  judg-s — to  vindicate  the  law. — 
rii^pD,  the  request,  the  petition,  except  here,  is 
only  found  in  the  book  of  Esther,  chap.  T.  3,  G. 
The  question  how  this  favoring  of  Ezra  is  related 
to  the  writing  of  Artaxerxes  given  in  chap,  iv., 
is  best  answered  by  the  fact  t'jat  Ezra's  jour- 
ney occurred  somewhat  later,  that  Artaxerxes, 
since  he  had  been  moved  to  that  writing  by  his 
officials,  had  paid  more  attention  to  the  Jews, 
and  that  he  furthered  Ezra's  journey  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  Jewish  congregation;  perhaps 
also  in  order  to  show  thereby  that  he  actually 
was  ready  to  be  as  just  as  possible,  notwith- 
standing the  prohibition  issued  respecting  the 
walls  of  the  city.  It  is  shown  then  by  this  ap- 
proval that  he  would  perhaps  recall  at  a  suita- 
ble time  even  that  prohibition  which  indeed  had 
been  issued  at  first  only  provisionally. — Ac- 
cording to  the  hand  of  the  Lord  his  God 
upon  him  — This  language  which  occurs  else- 
where only  in  vers.  9,  28;  viii.  18;  Neh.  ii.  8, 
18,  and  whose  foundation  is  contained  in  viii. 
22,31,  means  so  munh  as  this,  namely:  "ac- 
cording to  the  goodness,  providence  and  grace 
which  ruled  over  him,"  namely  Ezra,  as  then 
this  hand  of  God  sometimes  is  expressly  desig- 
nated as  nnitan   (ver.  9  and  viii.  18)   or  rDlB1? 

(viii.  22). 

Vers.  7,  8,  mentions  in  addition  that  Ezra  at 
the  same  time  led  to  Jerusalem  a  new  increase 
of  the  population. — And  there  went  up 
some. — This,  in  the  view  of  the  historian,  so 
involves  "with  him"  that  he  continues  in  ver. 
8  without  any  further  ceremony  with  he  came 
to  Jerusalem.  Comp.  vers.  13  and  28  and 
viii.  1.  p  is  used  partitively  in  the  sense 
"some  of"  as  chap.  ii.  70,  etc.  The  Levites  in 
distinction  from  the  priests  on  the  one  side,  and 
from  the  Levites  in  the  broader  sense,  from  the 
singers  and  porters  on  the  other  side,  are  those 
who  performed  the  proper  service  of  the  Levites. 

Ver.  9.  For  upon  the  first  day  of  the  first 
month  he  had  fixed  the  departure  from 
Babyion,  and  on  the  first  of  the  fifth 
month  came  he  to  Jerusalem. — This  would 
Btate  the  duration  of  the  journey.  Instead  of 
Ip"  wo  are  probably  to  read  1D\  and  indeed  in 
the  sense  of  constitun,  p-xcipio,  in  which  it  oc- 
curs,  especially  in   Esther    i.   8.     Probably   the 


CHAP.  VII.  1-27. 


punclntors  had  scruples  about  admitting  this 
unusual  sense,  especially  a9  tliey  supposed  that 
they  could  belter  give  the  force  of  N1H  liy  un- 
derstanding it  us:  on  the  first  of  the  first  mom !i 
iptum  erut  fundamentum  profectionis,  as  R.  Solo- 
mon and  .).  II.  Mich,  translate;  N?n  would  thus 
serve  lo  emphasize  the  "fundamentum"  or  the 
beginning  in  distinction  from  the  completion. 
But  we  should  expect  1iD'  instead  of  Hp\ 
moreover  the  following  X3  would  not  connect 
itself  therewith.  Besides,  on  the  first  of  the 
first  month  they  began  to  betake  themselves  to 
the  common  place  of  assembly,  whence  then  the 
entire  company  entered  upon  the  proper  jour- 
ney to  Palestine  on  the  12th  of  the  month. 
Comp.  chap.  viii.  31.* 

Ver.  10.  For  Ezra  had  prepared  his  heart 
to  seek  the  law  of  the  Lord,  and  to  do  it, 
and  to  teach  in  Israel  statutes  and  judg- 
ments.— This  is  not  to  explain  the  last  subor- 
dinate clause  of  ver.  9:  according  to  the  good 
hand  of  God  upon  him;  but  the  entire  under- 
taking of  the  journey.  BH1  is  here  in  connec- 
tion with   ITiiT  mijVflX   in   the   same  sense  as 

T  :  ~ 

n-ual  in  connection  with  iil7T~nX,  "adhere  to 
the  law  as  to  a  Lord  and  Benefactor."  This 
"  adhere  to  the  law"  comes  into  consideration 
with  respect  lo  the  following  "doctrines"  as  a 
necessary  foundation,  without  which  the  in- 
struction can  never  be  carried  on  with  success. 
Ezra's  design  was  to  bring  again  to  the  con- 
sciousness of  the  Jewish  congregation,  the  law 
which  they  had  in  part  neglected  and  conse- 
quently likewise  forgotten,  to  direct  their  life 
according  to  it  and  strengthen  their  relations 
thereto. 

Ver.  11.  Now  follows  the  documentary  basis 
for  the  summary  representation  in  the  forego- 
ing, and  indeed  first  of  all  the  letter  of  commis- 
sion given  to  Ezra  by  Artaxerxes. — And  these 
are  the  contents  of  the  letter. — For  jjeni), 
comp.  iv.  11,  and  for  PfltJfj,  iv.  7.  Ezra  is 
called  here  and  in  vers.  12  and  21 :  Neh.  viii.  9; 
xii.  26,  first  the  priest,  and  then  afterwards  the 
scribe;  inz.  10,  16;  and  Neh.  viii.  2  even,  only 
the  priest;  hence  he  is  then  in  Esdras  likewise 
constantly  designated  merely  as  6  lepebg. — The 
scribe  of  the  words  of  the  command- 
ments of  the  Lord  and  of  His  statutes  to 
Israel  means:  "  the  scribe  who  especially  occu- 
pied himself  with  the  words  of  the  law,  and  who 
thus  before  all  was  learned  with  reference  to  it." 

Ver.  12.  Artaxerxes,  king  of  kings, 
unto  Ezra — perfect  (peace). — This  is  the  in- 
troductory formula.  ~l'03  cannot  bean  adjective 
of  Xm  13D  ;   it  would  then  thus  placed   alone 

T  T  -  T  r 

by   itself  have   to   be   in   the  slat.  emph.    K"VD1, 


*  [Rawlinson:  "The  direot  distance  of  Babylon  from 
Jerusalem  is  no  more  than  about  five  hundred  and 
twenty  miles;  and  it  may  therefore  seem  surpri  ing 
that  the  journey  should  "have  occupied  four  months. 
But  no  doubt  the  route  followed  was  that  circuitous 
one  by  i  larchemi  -h  and  the  Orontes  valley,  which  was 
or  linarily  taken  by  armies  or  large  bodies  of  men,  and 
which  increased  the  distance  to  about  nine  hundred 
miles.  Still  the  time  occupied  is  long,  and  must  be 
accounted  for  by  the  dangers  alluded  to,  chap.  viii.  22, 
31,  which  may  have  necessitated  delays  and  detours  to 
avoid  conflicts." — Ta.) 


Yet  it  cannot  before  the  following  PJJKM  mean 
that  alt  that  usually  belonged  to  the  introductory 
formula  ha  I  been  completely  expressed  in  the 
original  document  (Berth.);  in  this  way  it 
would  seem  too  peculiar.  There  is  as  little  in 
favor  of  the  view  of  Keil  that  it  is  an  adverb  ia 
the  sense  of  "very  "  belonging  to  an  adjective 
to  be  supplied  to  "I3D,  as  if  t he  sense  wc"e: 
iloclnri  doetissimo;  the  adjective  could  hardly 
have  failed  in  such  a  case.  According  to  ver.  7 
we  Bhould  expect  that  the  letter,  conformable  to 
its  contents  of  good  will,  would  have  contained 
in  its  introductory  formula  a  greeting  or  wish 
of  pence  ;  so  there  is  (o  be  supplied  in  thought 
after  T03  a  verb  as  "he  wishes,"  and  the  sense 
is:  Artaxerxes  wishes,  in  a  complete  manner, 
or  abundantly — namely,  peace  [so  Esdras,  xa'~ 
peiv,  followed  by  A.  V.  perfect  (pence). — Tit.] 

Vers.  13-19  gives  the  first  part  of  the  royal 
mandate  :  Let  every  one  of  Israel  who  will,  go  up 
with  Ezra.  Ezra,  however,  is  to  encourage  fur- 
ther the  worship  in  Jerusalem  with  the  money 
that  was  given  him  for  the  purpose. 

Ver.  13.  I  make  a  decree,  etc.     Comp.  vi.  8. 

Tpvy)  depends  upon  31J."l'p"73  =  that  every  one 
who  is  freely  minded  tog  i.  IJiT  depends  upon 'T 
— may  go  with  thee. — For  the  infin.  ^HO  and 
the  future  ^TY,  comp.  v.  5. 

Ver.  14  would  say:  because  the  commission  of 
the  king  and  his  seven  counsellors  is  designed  to 
encourage  and  strengthen  the  worship  of  Jeho- 
vah, and  accordingly  also  the  condition  of  His 
congregation.  For  the  seven  counsellors  who 
constituted  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  Persian 
kings,  vid.  Esther  i.  14.*  'tlOJ?',  for  which  we 
might  expect  "nD>"  because  Tpi"  corresponds 
with  the  Heb.  D'i'i'V,  and  is  used  as  JITjn  in  vi. 
9.  Naturally  "thou"  cannot  be  at  once  sup- 
pMed  to  n'TO  ;  rather  the  expression  is  a  gene- 
ral one:  the  sending  is  made. — To  inquire 
concerning  Judah  according  to  the  law 
of  thy  God,  which  is  in  thine  hand. — That 
the  secon  1  person  is  prominent  here,  cannot  be 
strange  because,  indeed,  the   whole  matter  ia  a 

communication  to  Ezra.      iV   PPp3  "  to  hold  in- 

-  TIT" 

vestigation  over,"  thus,  u  revise  something."  is 
then  at  the  same  time  the  same  as  "to  put  in  or- 
der."! '■lli  which  st.  constr.  in  Norzi's  edi- 
tion is  pointed  m,  properly :  with  the  law ; 
means:  according  to  the  norm  of  the  law.  "H 
}T3  "  which  is  in  thy  hand,"  means,  "  which 
thou  possesseth,"   is  not  however  to  be  under- 

*  ["  Herodotus  relates  that  there  were  seven  families 
pre-eminent  in  Persia,  those  of  the  seven  conspirators 
t  the  Pseudo^Smerdis  (III.  84);  and  it  is  reoson- 
abl  ■  to  suppose  that  the  heads  of  these  families  formed 
the  special  council  of  the  king,  the  '  Achsemenidffi,'  or 
royal  family,  being  represented  by  the  head  o(  the 
branch  next  in  succession  to  that  01  the  reigning  mo- 
narch." Rawlinson  i»  loco.  See  also.  Ancient  Monar- 
ch,,*. Vol.  IV..  pp.  403  and  4n4.—  Ta.) 

t  ["  Probably  the  commission  was  general  to  inquire 
into  the  state  of  the  province.  AooordingtoXenophon 
(Q/rop.VIII.  0,  J 16)  it  was  a  part  of  the  Persian  system 
for  the  king  to  send  an  officer  onceayear  into  each 
provinee  to  inspect  it  and  report  upon  it."  Rawlinson 
in  loco. — Ta.J 


76 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


stood  ns  if  Ezra  had  a  particular  copy  of  the 
law,  which  Artaxerxes  hereby  would  have  ex- 
plained as  the  ancient  and  true  law  of  God ;  after 
that  he  had  obtained  the  consent  of  the  more  dis- 
tinguished of  the  Jews;  but  it  is,  as  it  were, 
•'  which  thou  knowest,  understandest,  and  hast 
in  hand."  [Rawlinson,  in  loco,  "righteously 
and  justly  nc  voiding  to  the  principle  of  thy  reli- 
gion."— Tu.] 

Ver.  15.  And  to  carry  the  silver  and  gold, 
etc.  For  a  fuller  statement  of  this,  vid.  fin.  25. 
Ver.  16.  All  the  silver  and  gold  that  thou 
canst  find  in  all  the  province  of  Babylon, 
with  the  free-will  offering  of  the  people 
and  of  the  priests,  etc.  The  king  here  pre- 
supposes that  in  addition  to  himself  and  his 
counsellors  there  would  likewise  be  found  others, 
not  Israelites,  in  the  province  of  Babylon,  who 
would  be  willing  to  contribute  silver  and  gold 
for  the  support  of  the  Jewish  people;  and  indi- 
cates that  he  has  given  Ezra  permission  to  take 
up  a  collection  among  them;  for  what  is  collec- 
ted in  the  province  of  Babylon  in  general,  is  dis- 
tinguished with  sufficient  clearness  from  the  gifts 
of  the  people  and  priests,  that  is  to  say,  the  Jews, 
as  is  evident  from  the  subsequent  clauses.  rVDIJiVI 
an  abstract  formation  from  infin.  Ithpaal,  is  that 
which  is  voluntarily  given.  fO^TO,  if  it  were 
in  simple  apposition  to  people  and  priests,  or  re- 
presented a  relative  clause,  as  15-Tlh.  supposes, 
would  necessarily  have  the  article;  it  is  rather 
loosely  connected  in  the  sense  of:  "if  they,  so 
far  as  they  voluntarily  contribute." 

Vers.  17-19.  Even  on  this  account,  pro- 
perly in  view  of  these  things,  namely,  because 
this  sending  is  ordained  by  me  to  encourage  the 
Jewish  congregation  and  their  worship. — Thou 
mayest  buy  speedily  with  this  money 
bullocks — with  their  meat  and  drink  of- 
ferings— that  is,  the  meat  and  drink  offerings 
belonging  to  the  sacrifices  according  to  Num.  xv. 
1  Sq. — And  offer  them  on  the  altar. — The 
Pacl.  3"1pn  is  used  instead  of  Aphel  in  vi.  10,  17. 
Ver.  IS.  And  whatsoever  shall  seem  good 
to  thee. — The  thorough  organization  of  the  Jew- 
ish congregational  life  might  readily  render  ne- 
cessary some  additional  expense,  e.g.  for  the  de- 
coration of  the  temple;  and  Arlaxerxes  presup- 
poses that  the  authorities  in  Jerusalem  will  be 
able  also  to  make  such  arrangements  that  they 
may  have  something  left  of  the  gifts  for  such  pur- 
poses— and  thy  brethren  =  the  elders  in  Je- 
rusalem, who  also  appear  in  v.  and  vi.  to  decide 
such  questions.— That  do  after  the  will  of 
your  God — namely,  as  it  is  declared  in  the  law. 
Ver.  19.  And  the  vessels,  for  the  service 
of  the  house  of  thy  God  deliver  com- 
oletely. — These   vess  Is  are  numbered  in  viii. 

25,  27.  The  noun  jnSa,  which  is  only  found 
hern—  but comp.  "nSa  in  ver.24 — is  identicalwith 
Tn^S  =  "service"  of  the  Syriac  and  Targums, 
ami  corresponds  with  the  Hebrew  iTTD#.  The 
meaning  of  uhu7\  "  render  completely  "  is  usual 
in  the  Aphel  in  the  Syriac,  and  is  connected  with 
the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  Piel  D.W  "  pay."— 
Before  the  God  of  Jerusalem  is  essentially 


the  same  as  "  before  the  God  whose  dwelling  is 
in  Jerusalem."  Comp.  i.  3:  He  is  the  God,  who 
is  in  Jerusalem. 

Vers.  20-24.  The  second  part  of  the  decree  or- 
ders that  the  royal  treasury  of  the  land  beyond 
the  river  is  to  supply  whatever  else  may  prove 
to  be  necessary. 

Ver.  -0.  And -whatsoever  more  shall  be 
needful  for  the  house  of  thy  God,  which 
shall  occur  to  thee,  as  to  be  given,  that  is 
to  say,  whatever  need  may  arise  when  the  other 
means  have  been  exhausted — shalt  thou  give 
out  of  the  house  of  the  treasury  of  the 
king — that  is,  out  of  the  royal  treasury.* 

Ver.  21  now  gives  at  once  the  supplementary 
order  for  the  treasurer  in  question;  as  a  com- 
mand to  which  Ezra  might  appeal.  This  must  also 
be  given  here. — By  me,  Artaxerxes,  myself, 
is  decreed. — The  pronoun  PPX  serves  to  em- 
phasize  the  suffix  of  '313  (comp.  Dan.  vii.  15), 
and  so  also  the  following  noun.  The  order:  all 
that  Ezra  shall  require  of  you,  turns  itself 
directly  to  the  treasurer,  because  it  is  thus  so 
much  the  more  clear  and  impressive. 

Ver.  22.  Unto  an  hundred  talent3,  states 
the  limit  to  which  the  giving  may  extend.  The 
~~\'J  (up  to  one  hundred  talents)  is  connected  with 
the  phrase:  it  shall  be  done  of  ver.  21,  so  far 
as  this  involves:  it  shall  be  rendered  or  given. 
The  133,  the  talent,  weighed  three  thousand  sa- 
cred shekels  (comp.  Ex.  xxxviii.  25,  27),  the 
holy  shekel  was  about  two  marks,  the  Persian 
(comp.  Xenoph.  Anab  1.5,6)  one  and  a  quarter 
marks.  The  *i3,  which  occurs  already  in  1  Ki. 
v.  2;  Ezek.  xlv.  14,  instead  of  the  Chomer  = 
ten  ephahs  or  baths,  thus  almost  two  bushels. — 
Salt,  which  is  not  prescribed— which  is  not 
stated,  not  limited  to  a  definite  amount.  [For 
the  need  of  these  things  in  the  Jewish  system  of 
sacrifice,^,  vi.  9.  "As  the  Persian  tribute  was 
paid  partly  in  money  and  partly  iu  kind  (see  note 
on  iv.  13),  the  treasuries  would  be  able  to  supply 
them  as  readily  as  they  could  furnish  money." 
Rawlinson  in  loco. — Tr.] 

Ver.  23  gives  a  si  ill  more  comprehensive  in- 
junction—all that  is  in  accordance  with 
the  command  of  the  God  of  heaven— what 
is  demanded  according  to  the  divine  law — let  it 
be  completely  done. — The  air.  /Iry.  N7P1-  '3 
regirded  by  Hitzig  and  Berth,  as  compounded  of 
■n.t  and  N"UX  (Hit*.  Comm.  on  Daniel  II.  5; 
Bertheau  on  II.  3)  especially  because  YW  in 
tfHtiTlX  Dan.  iii.  2  can  be  clearly  recog- 
nized as  an  intensive  prefix  (•  very").  Hang, 
on  the  other  hand,  in  Ewald's  Bib.  Jahrb.  V  ,  S. 
152  sq.,  derives  it  from  the  Persian  doresl,  the 
Zend,  root  dnrrc  =  "  grow,  prosper,  become  firm," 
as  formed  by  X  prnstfi.  in  the  meaning  of  "  com- 
pletely, punctually  in  every  thing." — For  why 

nOl7-,'n  =  for   wherefore  =  "in    order   that 

not."     Comp.  iv.  22 

*  ["The  Persian  system  of  taxing  the  provinces 
through  the  satraps  involved  the  establishment  in  each 
province  of  at  least  one  local  treasury.  Such  treasuries 
are  mentioned  occasionally  in  Greek  history  (see  A*- 
rian.  Exp.  Alex.  I.  17 ;  111.  18,  19,  etc.)."  Rawlinson  m 
loco—  Te.J 


CHAP.  VII.  1-27. 


Ver.  24  gives  an  additional  clause,  which  is 
fur  ihe  consideration  of  the  treasurer  likewise. — 
And  to  you  it  is  made  known,  etc.,  pjPrttTO 
has  an  indef.  subject,  or  the  active  is  for  the  pas- 
sive ;  to  you  is  it.  made  known.  Those  addressed 
are  still  the  same,  as  from  ver.  21  on,  thus  the 
treasurers. — That  all  priests,  etc.,  that  is,  con- 
cerning all  priests. — Ministers  of  the  house  of 

God  — The  KH^X   iT3    'p!~!2    arc    alongside    of 

t  t  v:  ■•      ••  :  t 

the  priests  not  all  worshippers  of  the  true  God 
in  general,  but  official  persons,  perhaps  the  low- 
est class  [Rawlinson]  as  we  may  infer  from  their 
position  after  the  Nethinim,  or  those  who  are 
not  included  in  the  foregoing  classes.  Bertheau 
compares  the  servants  of  Solomon,  who  occur  in 
II.  55,  58,  after  the  Nethinim.     For   HIM,   etc., 

comp.  iv.  13.     !3"W   N1?     properly  =  one    not 

having  authority,  with  the  infin.,  and  7  =  one 
who  has  not  power,   or:    it   is  not  allowed,   as 

frequently  in  Syriac.  NT^"?7  from  XO"l  in  the 
Targums  for  D"B'.  Such  a  liberation  of  priests 
and  Levites  from  taxes,  occurred  also  under  Ar- 
taxerxes  the  great.  Comp.  Joseph.  Arch.,  XV. 
3,  3.* 

Vers.  25,  26.  The  third  part  of  the  decree  au- 
thorizes Ezra  to  set  up  judges  experienced  in  the 
law  for  the  entire  Jewish  people,  and  impose 
punishments  for  infractions  of  the  law ;  this  con- 
tains that  very  matter  in  which  he  is  to  afford 
the  very  help  to  the  congregation  upon  which  all 
now  depended,  a  matter  in  which  Artaxerxes  in 
his  good-will  made  an  important  step  in  advance 
h-yond  Cyrus  and  Darius,  .since  the  civil  and 
social  life  of  Israel  was  so  closely  connected  with 
their  religion  by  the  law,  they  could  not  well 
prosper  under  judges  who  had  neither  apprecia- 
tion nor  understanding  of  their  religion.  It 
misht  appear  strange  to  us  that,  nothing  more  is 
expressly  said  of  the  setting  up  of  Jewish  judges. 
But  our  book,  which  limits  itself  to  the  negative 
sile  of  confirmation  in  the  law,  to  the  separation 
of  the  heathen  women,  was  not  the  proper  place 
for  this.  In  the  book  of  Nehemiah,  which  adds 
the  positive  side,  since  the  congregation  obligate 
themselves  in  chap.  x.  to  keep  all  the  important 
parts  of  the  law,  this  is  implicitly  involved. 

Ver.  25.  And  thou,  Ezra,  after  the  wis- 
dom of  thy  God,  etc. — }T3  "I  as  in  verse  21, 
etc.,  "which  thou  possessest."  -JO  is  imper.  Pa. 
"appoint,"  "setup,"  for  '33,  the  less  hard  e 
sound  is  more  easily  uttered,  and  occurs  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course  when  it  is  followed  by  a  second  syl- 
lable ma  or  man. — Magistrates  and  judges, 
which  may  judge  all  the  people  that  are 

beyond  the  river.— The  imperf.  |\rn,  with  the 
part  expresses  continued  action.  The  people  to 
be  judged  are  as  a  matter  of  course  the  Jewish 
people.  Among  them  are  not  only  those  who 
know  the  law  of  God.  but  also  others  who  yet  for 
the  first  time  must   be   ins  rucled  in  it.      We  are 


*  '"Here  the  decree  of  Artaxerxes  was  more  favorable 
to  the  Jews  than  those  of  all  previous  Persian  monarch*. 
W  ■  hear  of  a  similar  exemption  of  ecclesiastics  from  tri- 
bute, only  to  a  less  extent  under  the  Seleucidea.  fjose- 
phus'  Ant  JuJ.  XII.  3,  \  3)."    Rawlinson  fn  loco.— Te.] 


not  to  think  of  the  latter  as  proselyte",  neverthe- 
less it  refers  not  only  to  the  Jews  of  Pales- 
tine, but  also  to  those  dwelling  widely  scattered 
in  the  land  to  the  West  of  the  Euphrates.  They 
are  all  to  be  subject  to  the  judges  set  up  by 
Ezra;  the  judges  however  are,  according  to  the 
context,  to  watch  over  the  observation  of  the  Mo- 
saic law,  and  maintain  its  authority.  This  is  the 
foundation  for  the  Jewish  tradition  of  the  insti- 
tution of  the  great    synagogue  by  Ezra. 

Ver.  26.  The  object  of  this  institution  was  that 
judgment  might  he  diligently  held  over  any  one 
who  did  not  keep  the  law  of  God  and  the  king  — 
The  law  of  the  king  can  here  be  joined  on 
to  that  of  God,  because  so  far  as  it  required  obe- 
dience to  the  law  of  God  in  the  foregoing  decree, 
it  was  transgressed  by  disobedience.  Perhaps  it 
had  already  been  shown,  likewise,  that  where 
obedience  to  the  law  of  God  ceased,  usually  al- 
so obedience  to  the  royal  command  vanished. 
nj'T  T3J?  is  in  the  Targ.  not  unusual  for  "  hold 
judgment."  HJD  "out  from  him"  =  "over 
him."  The  point,  of  beginning  is  here  at  the 
same  time  the  point  aimed   at.     The   following 

tn in  =  sive — Bive  —  whether  it   be   unto 

death  or  to  banishment,  whether  to  con- 
fiscation of  goods  or  to  imprisonment. — 
WhVf  an  entirely  Syriac  form  of  t?."}£\  properly 
rooting  out,  is  here  iu  distinction  from  death,  ba- 
nishment, Vulg. :  exilium,  or  at  least  excommu- 
nication (comp.  x.  8)  [Rawlinson],  not  trai/ltia 
(Sept.).  Respecting  the  punishment  in  |'i?3J. 
treasure,  property,  as  vi.  8,  comp.  x.  8. 

Vers.  27,  28.  A  closing  doxology.  Ezra  can- 
not but  add  to  the  foregoing  decree — whose  com- 
munication we  are  without  doubt  to  ascribe  to 
hia  hand — his  praise  for  the  grace  of  God,  which 
had  been  so  gloriously  exhibited  in  putting  this 
into  the  heart  of  the  king  to  beautify  the  temple 

in  Jerusalem*  3^3  jnjasNeh.  12;  vii.  15.  yet 
likewise  already  in'  1  Kings  x.  24.  nNT3  =  the 
like,  namely,  as  is  indicated  in  the  foregoing 
decre '.  We  are  to  consider  that  the  exultation 
of  the  worship  is  likewise  a  glorification  of  the 
house  of  the  Lord. 

Ver.  28.  And  hath  extended  mercy  unto 
me  before  the  kiug.-Th is  is  the  continuation  of 

the  relative  clause  in  ver.  27.  The  7  before  ^^"73 
puts  this  word  on  one  and  the  same  footing  as 
the  foregoing.  Comp.  the  7  before  '3br  in  vi.  7  ; 
that  is  to  say  it  represents  here  essentially  the 
•J37,  which  is  before  ,(70n.  The  clause  :  And 
I  was  strengthened,  which  leads  over  to  the 
narrative,  would  say  "  I  was  able,  would  feel 
myself  strong, — and  I  gathered  together  = 
bo  that  I  gathered  together  out  of  Israel  chief 
men.  These  chief  mon  were  heads  of  households 
or  families  who,  if  they  should  be  taken  for  ttie 
emigration  to  Judah,  would  naturally  lake  their 
families  with  them. 

*  ["This  abrupt  transition  from  the  words  of  Artax- 
erxes to  those  of  Ezra,  mav  be  compared  with  (ho  al- 
most equally  abrupt  chance  in  vi.  r>.  The  language 
alters  at  the  same  time  from  Chaldee  to  Hebrew,  con- 
tinuing henceforth  to  be  Hebrew  till  the  close  of  the 
book."     Rawlinson  in  loco. — Ta.J 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


THOUGHTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OP  REDEMPTION. 

Vers.  1-10.  (1)  It  seems  that  there  were  found 
among  the  Jews  remaining  behind  in  Babylon, 
even  after  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua,  at  different 
times,  such  persons  as  were  seized  with  a  holy 
longing  for  the  land  of  their  fathers,  especially 
for  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  with  its  lovely  divine 
worship;  who  also,  accordingly,  went  up  thither 
not  merely  for  a  short  time,  but  to  remain  for- 
ever, in  order  to  become  members  of  the  congre- 
gation of  Jerusalem,  although  many  difficulties 
stood  in  the  way  of  most  of  them,  and  it  might 
be  known  to  all  what  great  deprivations,  yea,  evil 
circumstances,  were  to  be  endured  in  Judah. 
"  Woe  is  me  that  I  sojourn  in  Mesech,  that  I 
dwell  in  the  tents  of  Kedar."  This  was  certainly 
in  these  times  the  sigh  of  many  with  the  poet  of 
the  120th  Psalm;  and  "I  will  lift  up  mine  eyes 
unto  the  hills  from  whence  cometh  my  help"  was 
their  subsequent,  triumphal  song  with  the  author 
of  Psalm  cxxi.  How  much  more  then  should 
Christians  be  inspired  with  a  holy  longing  to  be- 
come pilgrims  on  the  way  to  heaven,  and  become 
members  of  the  upper  Jerusalem,  seeing  that  in 
the  city  of  God,  that  is  above,  among  the  many 
thousand  angels  and  saints,  every  lack  and  every 
evil  circumstance  has  vanished.  Ezra  and  the 
others  who  went  up  to  Jerusalem  in  order  to  be 
able  to  lift  up  their  eyes  to  the  heights  of  the 
earthly  Zion,  seem  to  us  to  be  saints.  That 
Christians  should  strive  for  the  higher  aim,  that 
beckons  them  from  heaven,  is,  after  all,  only  na- 
tural, and  so  much  the  more  are  we  obliged  to 
charge  ourselves  with  frivolity,  if  we  lr>se  sight 
of  the  aim  and  jewel  of  our  heavenly  calling — 
yea,  are  in  a  condition  of  entire  forgetfulness 
of  it. 

(2)  To  reform  the  congregation  when  it  has 
fallen  away  to  the  world  is  impossible  without  a 
faithfully  preserved  and  unfalsified  word  of  God, 
which  is  their  heavenly  archetype;  or  rather 
ever  holds  before  them  anew  the  eternal  norm, 
according  to  which  they  are  to  be  fashioned. 
Even  in  Jerusalem,  even  in  the  most  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  temple,  the  congregation,  when 
they  neglected  and  forgot  the  law  of  God,  might 
fall  into  a  condition  in  which  a  reformation  was 
pressingly  necessary.  And  even  in  the  distance, 
even  in  Babylon,  Ezra,  because  he  was  a  true 
student  of  the  Scripture,  might  be  called  to  be 
the  reformer. 

Vers.  11-26.  (1)  The  congregation  in  the  Dia- 
spora hail,  properly  speaking,  for  the  present  the 
great  task  of  awakening  in  the  heathen  world — 
even  in  heathen  princes,  in  some  way  a  presen- 
timent that  true  knowledge  of  God  and  piety 
above  all  were  with  them,  and  thereby  to  beget 
in  t  he  deeper  spirits  a  receptivity  as  well  for  the 
worship  of  the  true  God  as  for  the  observation 
of  His  law.  The  decree  of  Artaxerxes,  the  good- 
will of  the  heathen  king  towards  Jerusalem  in 
general,  might  be  an  evidence  of  the  important 
fact  that  the  Diaspora  actually  fulfilled  this 
allowed  task.  Thus  there  is  involved  therein  the 
prophecy  that  they  were  to  render  this  prepara- 
tory ami  mediatorial  service  for  the  first,  time  to 
its  proper  extent  in  the  Messianic  times.  This 
Becond    edict   of   Artaxerxes   was  in   distinction 


from  the  first  (chap,  iv.),  at  any  rate,  an  evidence 
that  he  was  only  prejudiced  against  the  supposed 
political  efforts  of  the  Jews,  that  he  had  no  ob- 
jection to  their  worship  of  the  true  God,  to  their 
existence  as  a  religious  congregation;  that  on 
the  contrary  it  caused  him  joy  if  the  worship 
of  God  in  Jerusalem  was  promoted  in  a  suitable 
manner. 

(2)  Notwithstanding  the  commands  of  Artax- 
erxes respecting  what  should  be  done  for  the 
improvement  of  the  worship  of  Jerusalem  were 
80  minute,  he  did  not  allow  himself  in  the  least 
degree  to  prescribe  that  which  concerned  the  in- 
ternal affairs,  which  were  regulated  by  the  word 
of  God.  He  exercised  only  the  so-called  jus  circa 
sacra,  and  we  find  this  in  him,  the  heathen 
prince,  from  good  motives.  Manifestly,  since 
there  is  no  longer  any  theocracy,  all  princes 
likewise  should  be  thus  discreet  For  the  inter- 
nal affairs  there  are  higher  laws  and  authorities, 
in  which  an  earthly  authority  can  never  inter- 
fere without  punishment. 

Vers.  27-28.  The  Lord*s  praise  expressed  by 
Ezra  is  a  thanksgiving  that  the  Lord,  by  turning 
the  heart  of  the  king  and  his  counsellors,  had 
enabled  him  to  make  the  journey  to  Jerusalem. 
We  may,  however,  find  still  something  more 
therein.  After  all  he  likewise  expressed,  if  only 
mediately,  his  joy  that  the  grace  of  God  had  suc- 
ceeded in  making  Buch  an  impression  upon  the 
head  of  the  world-monarchy  at  that  time  ai 
the  congregation,  according  to  its  highest  task, 
was  to  make, — a  joy  which  was  well  calculated 
to  mark  an  era  in  the  history  of  the  congregation 
liviug  in  the  Diaspora. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-10.  God's  care  over  His  congregation. 
1)  He  awakens  teachers  (if  it  be  necessary,  even 
reformers)  and  other  persons  of  importance  to 
the  divine  worship.  He  wins  also  the  hearts  of 
the  rulers,  upon  whose  good-will  the  success  of 
the  teacher  is  conditioned. — Starke:  It  is  not 
enough  to  build  houses  and  temples  of  stone,  but 
we  must  have  living  instruments,  that  is,  teach- 
ers and  preachers.  Preachers  must  first  of  all 
exhibit  in  their  own  life  ami  consecration  that 
which  they  preach  to  others  of  practical  truth, 
as  necessary  and  possible,  1  Cur.  ix.  27;  1  Tim. 
iv.  12,  16. — No  one  should  be  presumptuous  in 
any  thing  ;  he  will  then  be  sure  of  his  calling,  and 
it  will  give  great  comfort  in  all  kinds  of  opposing 
circumstances. — Magistrates  should  also  contri- 
bute their  part  to  the  building  of  churches  and 
Bchools,  and,  above  all.  act  with  benevolence,  be-- 
cause  they  can  best  do  so;  otherwise  the  heathen 
will  put  them  to  shame  in  that  day.  It  is  a  sign 
of  the  great  grace  of  God  towards  a  people  when 
He  inclines  the  heart  of  their  rulers  to  take  suit- 
able care  that  pious  teachers  be  given  to  them. 
It  is  very  easy  for  God  to  fill  His  people  with 
blessings,  for  the  earth  is  His,  and  the  fulne-s 
thereof  (Ps.  xxiv.  1;  1  Chron.  xxx.  12),  and  He 
has  much  more  to  give  away  than  He  has  already 
given.  2)  He  protects  and  preserves  His  instru- 
ments in  the  way  that  they  must  go  ere  they  can 
labor  with  the  congregation.  3)  He  gives  in 
their  hearts  the  impulse  and  calling  to  do,  as  well 
as  to  teach   His  will.— The   holy  longing  for  Je- 


CHAP.   VIII.   1-30. 


rusalem:  1)  it  urges  us  out  of  Babylon  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  wins  for  us  the  hearts  of  such  as  will 
sustain  us;  2)  it  provides  us  with  fellow-pil- 
grims; 3)  it  causes  the  journey  to  succeed. 

Vers.  11-26  are  to  be  treated  in  essentially  the 
same  way  as  the  decree  of  Darius  in  chap.  vi. 

Vers.  27-2S.  The  best  grounds  for  thanksgiving 
to  God:  1)  God  has  made  the  authorities  of  earth 
serviceable  for  the  glorifying  of  His  house  and 
name;  2)  He  has  placed  His  called  ones  in  the 
position  of  being  active  in  the  enlargement  and 
strengthening  of  His  congregation. — Starke: 
It  is  a  noble  gift  of  God,  if  we  have  a  magistrate 
who  is  devoted  to  the  true  religion. — The  ser- 
vants of  God,  it  is  true,  must  submit  to  receive 
unthankfulness   and    disfavor   for    all    of    their 


faithfulness  from  mankind  in  general  and  great 
lords  in  particular  ;  but  if  the  contrary  should  be 
the  case,  they  should  recognize  the  fact  with  all 
the  more  thankfulness. 

[Henry:  Moses  in  Egypt,  Ezra  in  Babylon,  and 
both  in  captivity,  were  wonderfully  fitted  for  emi- 
nent service  to  the  church. — Would  we  secure 
our  peace  and  prosperity,  let  us  take  care  that 
the  cause  of  God  be  not  starved. — If  any  good  ap- 
pear to  be  in  our  own  hearts,  or  in  the  hearts  of 
others,  we  must  own  it  was  God  that  put  it  there, 
and  bless  Him  for  it. — Wordsworth:  Even  Ar- 
taxerxes,  a  heathen  king,  is  conscious  and  pro- 
claims his  persuasiou,  that  the  neglect  of  God  and 
His  service  brings  down  God's  anger  on  a  na- 
tion.— Tr.] 


B.— EZRA'S  OWN  DOCUMENTARY  REPORT. 

Chap.  VIII.  1-36. 

I.   Respecting  his  Companions.    Vers.  1-14. 


These  are  now  the  chief  of  their  fathers,  and  this  is  the  genealogy  of  them  that 
went  up  with  me  from  Babylon,  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  the  king.  Of  the  sons 
of  Phinehas;  Gershom:  of  the  sons  of  Ithamar;  Daniel:  of  the  sons  of  David;  Hat- 
tush.  Of  the  sons  of  Shechaniah,  of  the  sons  of  Pharosh ;  Zeehariah :  and  with  him 
were  reckoned  by  genealogy  of  the  males  a  hundred  and  fifty.  Of  the  sons  of  Pa- 
hath-moab;  Elihoenai  the  son  of  Zerahiah,  and  with  him  two  hundred  males.  Of 
the  sons  of  Shechaniah;  the  son  of  Jahaziel,  and  with  him  three  hundred  males. 
Of  the  sons  also  of  Adin ;  Ebed  the  son  of  Jonathan,  and  with  him  fifty  males. 
And  of  the  sons  of  Elam ;  Jeshaiah  the  son  of  Athaliah,  aud  with  him  seventy 
males.  And  of  the  sons  of  Shephatiah :  Zebadiah  the  son  of  Michael,  and  with 
him  fourscore  males.  Of  the  sons  of  Joab ;  Obadiah  the  son  of  Jehiel,  and  with  him 
two  hundred  and  eighteen  males.     And  of  the  sons  of  Shelomith ;  the  son  of  Josi- 

11  phiah,  aud  with  him  a  hundred  and  threescore  males.     And  of  the  sous  of  Bebai; 

12  Zeehariah  the  son  of  Bebai,  and  with  him  twenty  and  eight  males.  And  of  the 
sons  of  Azgad:  Johanan  the  son  of  Hakkatan,  and  with  him  a  hundred  and  ten 
males.  And  of  the.  last  sons  of  Adouikam,  whose  names  are  these,  EHphelet,  Jeiel, 
and  Shemaiah,  and  with  them  threescore  males.  Of  the  sons  also  of  Bigvai ;  Uthai, 
and  Zabbud,  and  with  them  seventy  males. 


9 

in 


13 

14 


15 


II.   Respecting  a  Rendering  of  this  Band  Complete.     Vers.  15-20. 

And  I  gathered  them  together  to  the  river  that  runneth  to  Ahava;  and  there 


abode  we  in  tents  three  days:  and  I  viewed  the  people,  aud  the  priests,  and  found 

16  there  none  of  the  sons  of  L?vi.  Then  sent  I  f>r  Eliezer,  for  Ariel,  for  Shemaiah, 
and  for  Elnathan,  and  for  Jarib,  and  for  Elnathan.  and  for  Nathan,  and  for  Zeeha- 
riah, and  for  Meshullam,  chief  men;  al*o  for  Joiarib,  and  for  Elnathan,  men  ot 

17  understanding.  And  I  sent  them  with  commandment  unto  Iddo  the  chief  at  the 
place  Casiphia,  and  I  told  them  what  they  should  say  unto  Iddo,  and  to  his  brethren 
the  Nethinim,  at.  the  place  Casiphia,  that  they  should  bring  unto  us  ministers  for 

18  the  house  of  our  God.  And  by  the  good  hand  of  our  God  upon  us  they  brought  us 
a  man  of  understanding,  of  the  sons  of  Mahli,  the  son  of  Lsvi,  the  son  of  Israel  ; 

19  and  Sherebiah,  with  his  sons  and  his  brethren,  eighteen;  And  Hashabiah,  and  with 


80 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


20  him  Jeshaiah  of  the  sons  of  Merari,  his  brethren  and  their  sons,  twenty;  Also  of 
the  Ncthinim,  whom  David  and  the  princes  had  appointed  for  the  service  of  the 
Levites,  two  hundred  and  twenty  Nethinim :  all  of  them  were  expressed  by  name. 


III.   Respecting  the  Preparation  for  the  Journey,  the  Journey  and  Arrival  in  Jerusalem.     Vers.  21-36. 

21  Then  I  proclaimed  a  fast  there,  at  the  river  of  Ahava,  that  we  might  afflict  our- 
selves before  our  God,  to  seek  of  him  a  right  way  for  us,  and  for  our  little  ones, 

22  and  for  all  our  substance.  For  I  was  ashamed  to  require  of  the  king  a  band  of 
soldiers  and  horsemen  to  help  us  against  the  enemy  in  the  way:  because  we  had 
spoken  unto  the  king,  saying,  The  hand  of  our  God  is  upon  all  them  for  good  that 

23  seek  him ;  but  his  power  and  his  wrath  is  against  all  thtm  that  forsake  him.     So  we 

24  fasted  and  besought  our  God  for  this :  and  he  was  entreated  of  us.  Then  I  sepa- 
rated t  velve  of  the  chief  of  the  priests,  Sherebiah,  Hashabiih,  and  ten  of  their 

25  brethren  with  them,  And  weighed  unto  them  the  silver,  and  the  gold,  and  tbe  ves- 
sels, even  the  offering  of  the  house  of  our  God,  which  the  king,  ami  his  counsellors, 

26  and  his  lords,  and  all  Israel  there  present,  had  offered:  I  even  weighed  uuto  their 
hand  six  hundred  and  fifty  talents  of  silver,  and  silver  vessels  a  hundred  talents, 

27  and  of  gold  a  hundred  talents;  Also  twenty  basins  of  gold,  of  a  thousand  drams; 

28  and  two  vessels  of  fine  copper,  precious  as  gold.  And  I  said  unto  them,  Ye  are 
holy  unto  the  Lord  ;  the  vessels  are  holy  also ;  and  the  silver  and  the  gold  are  a 

29  freewill  offering  unto  the  Lord  God  of  your  fathers.  Watch  ye,  and  keep  them, 
until  ye  weigh  them  before  the  chief  of  the  priests  and  the  Levite=,  and  chief  of  the 

30  fathers  of  Israel,  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  chambers  of  the  house  of  the  Lord.  So  took 
the  priests  and  the  Levites  the  weight  of  the  silver,  and  the  gold,  and  the  vessels, 

31  to  bring  them  to  Jerusalem  unto  the  house  of  our  God.  Then  we  departed  from 
the  river  of  Ahava  on  the  twelfth  day  of  the  first  month,  to  go  unto  Jerusalem:  and 
the  hand  of  our  God  was  upon  us,  and  he  delivered  us  from  the  hand  of  the  enemy, 

32  and  of  such  as  lay  in  wait  by  the  way.     And  we  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  abode 

33  there  three  days.  Now  on  the  fourth  day  was  the  silver  and  the  gold  and  the  ves- 
sels weighed  in  the  house  of  our  God  by  the  hand  of  Meremoth  the  son  of  Uriah 
the  priest ;  and  with  him  was  Eleazar  the  son  of  Phinehas ;  and  with  them  was  Joza- 

34  bad  the  son  of  Jeshua,  and  Noadiah  th'B  son  of  Binnui,  L°vites;  By  number  and 

35  by  weight  of  everyone:  and  all  the  weight  was  written  at  that  time.  Also  the 
children  of  those  that  had  been  carried  away,  which  were  come  out  of  the  captivity, 
offered  burnt-offerings  unto  the  God  of  Israel,  twelve  bu'locks  for  all  Israel,  ninety 
and  s'x  rams,  seventy  and  s-ven  lambs,  twelve  he  goats  for  a  sin-offering ;  all  this 

36  was  a  burnt-offering  unto  the  Lord.  And  they  delivered  the  kind's  commissions 
unto  the  king's  lieutenants,  and  to  the  governors  on  this  side  the  river:  and  they 
furthered  the  people,  and  the  house  of  God. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-14.  The  register  of  those  heads  of 
families  who  went  up  to  Jerusalem  with  Ezra  is 
here  inserted  as  a  second  important  document. 
It  originated  from  Ezra  himself,  as  the  use  of 
the  first  person  in  ver.  1  shows;  it  is  the  foun- 
dation on  which  his  narrative  of  his  journey 
and  activity  in  Jerusalem  rests.  It  is  distin- 
guished from  the  register  in  chap.  ii.  by  giving 
not  only  the  names  of  the  families  to  which 
those  returning  belonged,  but  also  the  heads 
themselves  of  those  households  who  returned. 
It  is  as  if  they  became  gradually  more  and  more 
conscious  that  the  existence  of  the  Jewish  con- 
gregation no  longer  depended  upon  nationality, 
but  the  free  resolution  of  individuals,  that  the 
individual  accordingly,  that  especially  the  de- 
riding heads  of  households  had  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent  significance   from  ever  before,   and   that 


this  their  significance  might  he  exhibited  by 
their  express  mention  by  name  in  the  sacred 
history.  That  the  names  of  families  here  al- 
most exclusively,  yea,  if  we  accept  the  very 
natural  emendation  in  vers.  3,  5,  10,  are  with- 
out exception  the  same  as  those  that  occurred 
already  in  chap,  ii.,  is  explained  simply  from 
the  fact  that  of  the  families  which  returned  with 
Zernbbahel,  households  had  still  remained  be- 
hind in  Babylon,  which  now  with  Ezra  followed 
their  relatives;  and  that,  this  very  relationship 
might  have  been  decisive  for  the  resolution  to 
go  up  with  Ezra.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  in 
this  emigration  just,  twelve  families  were  repre- 
sented. In  connection  with  the  importance  then 
ascribed  to  the  number  twelve  (comp.  chap.  ii. 
1  sq.  ;  vi.  17;  yiii.  35)  Bertheau  finds  it  proha- 
ble  that  Ezra's  company  was  to  be  a  representa- 
tion of  the  congregation  of  Israel  in  its  totality. 
— In  Esdras  vi  ii.  ^8-40  are  found  some  other 
deviations,  which  now  perhaps  are   worthy   of 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-86. 


81 


consideration.  As  regards  the  sum  total  of 
those  who  returned  with  Ezra,  it  amounted  to 
one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-six  men 
and  fifteen  heads  according  to  the  Massoretic 
text:  but  according  to  Esdraa  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  ninety  men  and  thirteen  head-* 
without  counting  the  priests  and  Bona  of  David, 
whose  number  is  not  given,  aud  iu  comparison 
with  the  number  of  the  rest  was  perhaps  but 
small,  since  Zerubbabel  had  already  led  back 
with  him  a  relatively  large  number  of  priests 
and  sous  of  David.  In  the  numerical  signs  cor- 
ruption might  easily  creep  in,  aud  we  must 
leave  it  undecided,  which  statements  are  more 
correct. 

Ver.  1.  These  are  now  the  heads  of 
their  fathers,  and  this  is  the  genealogy 
of  them  that  went  up. — DrVTTJX  'U/JO  = 
0iTrCN~iV2  "SMOj  nut  only  here  but  usually, 
house  of  their  fathers=their  household.  The 
head  of  the  house  of  their  fathcr=the  head  of 
the  household.  In  a  household,  however,  the 
sons  are  often  again  fathers,  without  their  form- 
ing on  this  account  households  of  their  own. 
Thus  often  many  fathers  belong  to  the  house- 
hold, and  under  a  common  head  of  the  house- 
hold. Thus  the  head  of  the  father's  houses  can 
easily  be  head  of  fathers.  The  suffix  of  DiTfUN 
refers  without  doubt  to  the  totality,  that  is,  to 
the  children  of  Israel.  K'nTin  is  first  "  record 
itself;"  then  the  "register  of  families"  is,  how- 
ever, sometimes  used  for  the  family  itself.  It 
is  here  added,  because  the  name  of  the  heads  of 
households  is  to  be  followed  by  the  name  of  the 
family  to  which  they  belonged. 

Ver.  2.  Here  are  first  mentioned  two  heads  of 
households  of  two  priestly  families;  of  the  family 
of  Phineas,  who  was  a  son  of  Eleazar,  thus  a 
grandson  of  Aaron,  Gerson  ;  p.nd  of  the  family 
of  Ithamar,  who  was  Aaron's  younger  son 
(comp.  1  Chron.  xxx.  and  xxix.),  Daniel; 
whether  the  latter  is  identical  with  the  one 
mentioned  in  Neh.  x.  7  is  uncertain.  Both  are 
to  be  regarded  as  accompanied  by  their  house- 
holds ;  for  iu  ver.  21  Ezra  is  able  to  select  from 
the  priests  who  went  up  with  him,  twelve  to 
take  care  of  the  presents.  Then  follows  a  head 
of  a  household  of  the  family  of  David,  without 
doubt  the  king  David,  namely,  Hattush,  possi- 
bly to  bo  identified  with  Hattush,  the  son  of 
Hashaniah  (Xeh.  iii.  10),  but  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  priest  Hattush,  Neh.x.  5;  xii.  2.  It 
is  questionable,  however,  whether  he  is  not 
more  closely  defined  by  the  first  words  of  ver.  3. 

Ver.  3.  Of  the  sons  of  Shechaniah,  of 
the  sons  of  Pharosh. — The  twice-repeated 
'33"p  following  one  another  and  unconnected  is 
striking.  The  Sept.  has  supplied  an  "and" 
before  the  second,  so  that  it  designates  at.  once 
two  families  as  such  to  which  the  head  of  house- 
hold next  following  belongs.  But  this  is  cer- 
tainly only  to  improve  the  text  which  was  at 
that  time  just  the  same  as  ours.  Esdras,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  Aadovx  mv  Zc-£fw<5u.  since  it  ren- 
ders the  ii'lDn  of  ver.  2  by  Aofloir,  attached 
7TJ3E'  'J30  of  verse  3  as  a  much  closer  defi- 
nition,    and   besides   read    the    singular    13   for 


'J3?.  It  is  very  probable  that  there  has  been  a 
corruption  of  the  text  in  this  passage,  and  the 
conjecture  that  Esdras  makes  recommends  itself 
all  the  more  that  D'lUH  in  1  Chron.  iii.  22  is 
adduced  as  a  son  of  Shemaiah,  and  therewith 
also  is  a  grandson  of  Shechaniah  [so  Rawlinson. 
— Tr.]  Accordingly  we  have  lefi  in  ver.  3  only 
the  family  of  Pharosh,  as  such,  to  which  Zccha- 
riah  with  his  household  belonged.  Tho  next 
clause  we  may  translate:  And  with  him  be- 
longed genealogically  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  since  t?n*nn  is  taken  as  preterit., 
aud  the  singular  is  explained  from  the  fact  that 
it  precedes  the  verb.  fcTViin  might,  however, 
be  a  noun,  so  that  the  sense  would  be:   aud  with 

a  family,  D'~On  =  of  men. 

Ver.  5.  Of  the  sons  of  Shechaniah  the 
son  of  Jahaziel. — It  is  singular  that  the  sou 
of  Jahaziel  is  not  mentioned  by  name.  The 
Sept,  has  <i-<j  rfjt>  iiCtv  Srztfffyc  Sfi^f««flc  fodc  'AC/,-'., 
and  Esdras  viii.  32  essentially  the  same.  Zail6i/c 
seems  to  be  the  same  as  NlfiT,  Ezra  ii.  8.  Thus 
the  Sept.  and  Esdras  seem  to  have  read  NinT*J33, 
so  that  it  is  to  be  translated :  of  the  children  of 
Zattu,  Shechaniah,  the  son  of  Jahaziel  [so  Raw- 
linson.— Tr.] 

Ver.  9.  Here  the  sons  of  Joab  arc  treated 
as  a  particular  family,  whilst  iu  chap.  ii.  6  they 
are  counted  with  the  sons  of  Jeshua  as  of  the 
family  of  Pahath-Moab.  Probably  only  a  few 
of  them  belonged  to  those  who  returned  under 
Zerubbabel,  so  that  they  were  then  not  counted 
with  that  family  with  which  they  were  nearest 
related,  although  the  number  of  the  children  of 
Pahath  Moab,  in  consequence  of  this,  became 
rather  large. 

Ver.  10.  Here  the  Masoretic  text  has:  of  the 
sons  of  Shelomith  the  son  of  Josiphiah  — 
It  is  the  sauie  as  in  ver.  5,  according  to  the 
Sept.  and  Esdras,  and  we  are  to  read:  Of  the 
suns  of  Bani  (comp.  Ezra  ii.  10)  Shelomith,  the 
son  of  Josiphiah  [so  Rawlinson. — Tit.]. 

Ver.  13.  And  of  the  last  sons  of  Adoni- 
kam,  whose  names  are  these.  Eliphelet, 
etc. — It  is  strange  that  a  common  head  of  a 
household  should  be  mentioned  first.  Keil  sup- 
poses that  the  sons  of  Adonikam,  here  referred 
to,  because  they  did  not  constitute  a  proper 
father's  house,  are  embraced  logether  with  the 
sons  of  Adonikam,  who  returned  under  Zerub- 
babel, and  distinguished  from  the  latter  as 
D'P'inN.  But  all  the  new  comers  here  men- 
tioned would  have  united  with  their  fellow- 
memhers  of  the  same  families  who  already  dwelt 
in  Judah  from  the  time  of  Zerubbabel.  Besides 
the  reference  to  those  who  previously  returned 
is  so  entirely  without  support  that  D'jpnx 
cannot  well  be  explained  from  it.  Perhaps  the 
meaning  is:  not  a  first-born  of  the  first  liue. 
who  as  such  would  have  been  head  of  the  father's 
house,  but  only  a  later  born,  none  of  whom  had 
the  dignity  of  a  head  of  a  father's  house,  but 
only  that  of  subordinate  heads  of  families.  Ac- 
cordingly only  lesser  divisions  of  that  father's 
house  went  up  with  Ezra.  Thus  would  CJ^nN 
be  explained  from  the  same  circumstance  from 
which  the  name  of  a  common  head  of  a   house- 


82 


THE  BOOK  OP  EZRA. 


hold  fails.  It  is  true  we  must  tben  suppose 
that  D'JtnN  had  gained  such  a  general  seose  in 
itself  that  it  had  become  a  technical  term  for 
those  later  born. 

Ver.  14.  Instead  of  one  head  of  the  sons  of 
Bigvai,  two  are  mentioned,  Uthai  and  Zabbud, 
yet  not  as  later  born  eons,  but  as  it  seems  as 
real  heads  of  father's  houses.  The  author  of 
Esdras  viii.  40  has  ov&i  6  tov  'iGTa^Kovpov,  so 
that  it  might  be  asked,  whether  the  two  names 
are  not  to  be  reduced  to  one. 

Vers.  15-20.  Above  all  Ezra  was  anxious  to 
gain  for  the  emigration  some  persons  capable 
of  ministering  in  the  worship.  Ver.  15  is  pro- 
bably to  be  translated:  I  gathered  them  to- 
gether to  the  river,  that  runneth  to  Ahava, 
not  that  floweth  into  the  Ahava.  Ahava  is 
probably  the  name  of  a  place  or  region,  after 
which  the  river  there  flowing  was  named;  in 
ver.   21   it   occurs   briefly  as  N171X  "I71J,   and   in 

T  ~:  -  T  T 

ver.  31   N1HN  "I71J,  which  is  either:   the  river  of 

Ahava ;    or   also  after  the  analogy   of  the   1713 

7113,  the  river  Ahava.     Where  we  are  to   seek 
t  : 

the  river  and  region  is  not.  known;  probably, 
however,  in  the  vicinity  of  Babylon;  probably 
it  is  a  tributary  or  canal  of  the  Euphrates,  ac- 
cording to  Ewald,  Gesch.  IV.,  S.  154,  perhaps 
the  Pallacopas,  in  favor  of  which  is   certainly 

the  name  (N171N  J  73),  and  indeed  the  more 
northern,  which  lay  more  in  a  direction  towards 
Canaan.* — And  I  viewed  the  people — Re- 
specting the  lengthened  form  by  the  addition  of 

the  71,  nrpxi  here  and  nnWiO  in  ver.  16, 
comp.  EwTald7?  232,  g  [Green,'|  99,  3.— Tit.]. 

Ver.  16.  The  Sept.  translates:  And  I  sent 
to  or  for  Elieser,  etc.  [so  A.  V.].  This  might 
mean  in  connection  with  ver.  17:  I  sent  thither 
in  order  to  have  him  come  and  use  him  as  a 
messenger  to  Iddo.     We  may,  however,  take  the 

7  in  this  later  usage  of  the  language  with  the 
Vulg.  and  many  interpreters  without  hesitation, 
as  nota  accus.,   according   to   2   Chron.  xvii.    7, 

where  it  is  used  in  this  very  way  with  XrlV, 
thus:  I  sent  Elieser,  etc.  The  first  named  mes- 
sengers were  D't^NT,  probably  heads  of  little 
communities;  the  remaining  two  D'J'30,  that  is, 
teachers,  Neh.  viii.  7,  9 ;  1  Chron.  xv.  22; 
xxviii.  8,  etc.  Keil  takes  it  in  a  more  general 
sense,  judicious,  prudent;  but  this  is  opposed 
by  its  connection  with  D'tytO  and  the  circum- 
stance that  Ezra  would  have  sent  men  who  could 
make  an  impression  in  accordance  with  their 
entire  position.  According  to  ver.  15  these  men 
did  not  belong  to  the  Levites,  who  usually  car- 
ried on  the  office  of  instruction,  comp.  1  Chron. 
xv.  22;  xxviii.  8,  etc.  But  scholarship  in  the 
Scriptures  might   have   gradually  become   more 


*  [Rawlinson:  "In  the  right  direction  and  at  about 
the  right  distance  are  found  a  river  and  a  town  bearing 
tho  same  name,  called  by  the  early  Greeks  U.  {Herod. 
[.  179),  and  i.y  the  later  "An  t hi, I.'  rims.,  p.  6),  by  the 
Babylonians  themselves  Ibi,  and  here  appun-ntlv  Aha- 
va. The  modern  name  of  tne  place  is  Hit  Itis&mous 
for  its  bitumen  BpriBRS,  and  is  situated  on  the  Euphrates 
al  a  distance  <>r  about  eighty  miles  from  Babylon 
towards  the  northwest." — Tr.J 


widely  diffused,  especially  in  B  ibylon.  It  is 
possible,  also,  that  they  were  priests.  In  chap. 
x.  15,  18-31,  many  of  the  names  here  mentioned 
recur  again ;  but  probably  different  persons 
were  meant  there. 

Ver.  17.  And  I  sent  them  -with  com- 
mandment; thus  the  Qeri.     According  to  tho 

Kethib,  whether  now  the    1   in  71XV1X1   be  cenu- 

T  *     T         " 
ine,  or  first  added  by  the  Masoretes,  it  is  to  be 

understood:  I  had  them  go  forth,  tfX'171  "H;;-Sj; 
unto  Iddo. — 7j£,  according  to  later  usage  is  for 
_7X.  What  kind  of  a  head  or  chief  Iddo  was, 
what  society  he  was  of,  whether  merely  reli- 
gious, or  also  learned,  why  Ezra  did  not  above 
all  seek  to  influence  Iddo  himself  to  the  return 
to  Palestine:  all  this  we  must  leave  undeter- 
mined— At  the  place  Casiphia. — We  know 
not,  as  a  matter  of  course,  how  we  are  to  take 
the  clause  Dip'Sn  ^3D33.  The  Sept.  and  Es- 
dras have  not  regarded  N'^M  as  a  proper  name. 
The  former  has  k v  dpyvpiu  tov  t6~ov,  and  the  latter 
makes  Iddo  the  head  of  the  treasury  without 
doubt  in  Babylon.  It  is  probable,  if  it  be  a 
place,  it  is  one  in  the  vicinity  of  Babylon  and 
Ahava.— To  his  brethren,  etc.— D'JinJTl  vnx 

:  -  ■  t  J 
which  thus  gives  no  sense,  should  probably  be  : 
to  his  brothers  (the  Levites)  and  to  the  Nethi- 
nim,  namely,  besides  to  himself,  I  ordered  them 
to  go;  not.  to  his  brothers,  the  Nethinim  [as 
A.  V.]  J  for  that  Iddo  himself  was  one  of  the 
Nethinim  is  improbable  from  his  honorable 
position;  that  they,  moreover,  should  be  desig- 
nated as  his  brethren  without  any  natural 
relationship  would  be  against  all  analogy. — 
To  bring  us  ministers  for  the  house  of  our 
God. — Those  arc  especially  meant  who,  when 
they  had  performed  the  service  in  the  house  of 
God  at  the  feasts,  should  be  able  besides  to  in- 
struct the  people  in  the  law. 

Ver.  18.  And  they  brought  us.  —  (jPTl  is 
written  with  dagesh  in  N  as  Gen.  xliii.  10,  as 
also  1N\2Jli  Lev.  xxiii.  17,  as  then  71  n  and  J? 
sometimes  occur  with  dagesh,  "quorum  omnium 
ratio  nota  est  in  Arcanis  Cabbalie^  R.  Mose  bar 
Nachman  in  Comm.  upon  Jezir  l'ol.  61. — Under 
the  gracious  help  of  God  (T,  as  vii.  C),  and 
through  the  influence  of  Iddo,  they  gained  forty 
Levites  and  two  hundred  and  twenty  Nethinim. 
First  of  all  the  7J*i^  !2?"X  (that  this  is  a  proper 
name  is  shown  by  the  1  before  the  following 
names),  a  descendant  of  Mahli,  the  grandson  of 
Levi  4Ex.  vi.  16,  19;  1  Chron.  vi.  4),  then 
Sherebiah,  who  again  occurs  in  ver.  24  and 
Neh.  viii.  7;  ix.  4;  also  x.  13;  xii.  24;  then  in 
ver.  19  Hashabiah,  who  likewise  is  again 
mentioned  in  ver.  24;  Neh.  x.  12;  xii.  24,  and 
finally  Jeshaiah,  who  does  not  again  meet  us 
in  Ezra  or  Neh.;  in  ver.  20  the  Nethinim,  who 
had  been  appointed  already  by  Jeshua  (comp. 
note  on  ii.  43  sq.),  then  more  definitely  as  it  is 
here  alone  mentioned,  hy  David  and  the  princes, 
that  is,  the  high  officials,  to  perform  the  heavier 
work  for  the  Levites.     The  last  words  of  ver.  20 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-86. 


8:1 


mean*  according  to  1  Chron.  xii.  31 ;  (hey  were 
all  expressed  by  name  (particularly),  namely, 
for  the  going  up  with  Ezra. 

Vers.  21-30  The  final  preparation  for  the 
departure;  at  first  the  arrangement  of  the  feast. 
The  fasting  had  the  purpose  of  imploring  from 
God  a  way  straight  or  level,  free  from  hindrance, 
thus  a  prosperous  journey.  As  an  evidence  of  a 
penitent  self-humiliation,  it  contributed  to  gain 
the  favor  of  Him  who,  since  He  is  throned  on 
high,  can  only  dwell  among  the  lowly  (Is.  lvii. 
15),  so  already  Judges  xx.  26;  1  Sain.  vii.  6; 
Joel  i.  14;   1  Chron.  xx.  3. 

Ver.  22.  To  implore  the  help  of  God,  hid  a  spe- 
cial impulse  in  the  circumstance  that  Ezra  and  In  < 
companions  had  expressed  a  trust  in  God  before 
Artaxerxes  which  they  would  not  have  confirmed 
if  they  had  not  especially  relied  upon  God  ;  if  they 
had  been  willing  to  claim  earthly  means  of  pro- 
tection. To  show  this  trust  in  God  was  cer- 
taiuly  important,  because  Artaxerxes'  respeot 
for  the  Jewish  religion  might  he  best  strength- 
ened in  this  very  way.  They  acknowledged 
that  the  hand  of  our  God  is  upon  all  them 
for  good  that  seek  Him;  but  His  power 
and  'wrath  is  against  all  them  that  for- 
sake Him. -We might  expect  the  words:  forevil; 
but  II is  strength  and  His  wrath=IIispowerof  op- 
posing, ia  sufficiently  clear;  it  is  as  if  the  pre- 
vious clause  were:  His  goodness  and  favor  are 
over,  etc. ;  so  that  the  words  "for  good"  might 
have  been  left  out. 

Ver.  23.  We  fasted  and  besought  our 
God. — This   should    be  followed    by    J1XI,  and 

not  flNr"7i'.  J1Nt~7.j;  seems  to  refer  back  to 
ver.  22  in  the  sense  of  therefore.  Yet  it  is  at 
least  questionable  whether  it  may  not  after  the 
verb   of  asking,    likewise   introduce  the   object, 

comp.  nX'rSj/  with  SSsnn  (Ps.  xxxii.  6),  and 
indeed  notwithstanding  the  [3  before   IJ'rPN. — 

And  He  let  Himself  be  entreated  for  us. 

— This  is  at  once  manifest  in  the  successful  pro- 
gress of  the  journey. 

Ver.  24  sq.  The  appointment  of  guardians  of 
the  treasures. — And  I  separated  twelve  of 

the  princes  of  the  priests. — Instead  of  i  be- 
fore  n'31'C/,    we  are  to  read  1  with   Esdras  viii. 
T; ....  . 

64;  for  Sherebiah,  etc.,  did  not  belong  to  the 
priests,  but  to  the  Levites.  In  addition,  there- 
tore,  to  the  twelve  princes  of  the  priests,  there 
were  accordingly  twelve  Levites,  as  those  to 
whom  Ezra  weighed  the  treasure  and  gave  it  iu 
charge. 

Ver.  25.  And  I  weighed,  etc. — PlSlptyXI  is 
written  with  1  after  p  because  the  Sheva  of  p 
was  meant  to  be  heard,  and  indeed  as  Chateph 
Kametz,  and  it  is  probahle  that  this  form  is  to 
have  the  same  vocalization  in  the  next  verse,  as 
then  J.  H.  Mich,  found  it  to  be  so  in  many  MSS. 
The  other  view  that  it  was  to  be  spoken  with 
Chateph  Patach  was  held  because  the  \  was  lack- 
ing after    p,    as   likewise  in  Jer.  xxxii.  9.     The 

*  (Rawlinson  in  torn:  "The  writer  seems  to  mean 
that  he  had  before  him  a  li-T  of  the  two  hundred  and 
twenty,  though  he  Hid  not  think  it  necessary  that  tie 
6houkl  insert  it." — Ta.l 


silver  and  gold  were  a  heave-offering,   HS^ri 

that  is,  a  present  to  the  house  of  God,  that   Iho 

king  and  his  counsellors  had  set  apart,  comp. 

vii.  15,  1G,  19.     D'">D  iu  connection  with   HO'tit 
...  T      . 

means:    to  take  off  from   the    other   possessions 

something,    in    order   to  consecrate   it   to   God. 

The  article  before  'D'ln  represents  the  relative 

pronoun    as    1    Chron.    xxvi.    28;   xxix.    17;    2 

Chron.   xxix.    06,    etc. ;    comp.    Ew.    381,    b. — 

D'Xi'OSD  (with  kametz  under   X   instead  of  sheen 
.  T  .  .  -    \ 

on  account  of  pause,  comp.  Esther  i.  5).     These 

are  those  who  were  happened  upon  or  met. 

Vers.  26,  27.  What  Ezra  weighed,   DT"1?;',   in 

°  TT  " 

their  hands,  as  i.  8.  With  respect  to  the  talents 
comp.  vii.  22 ;  the  darics,  ii.  69 ;  the  covered  cups,  i. 
10.  Finally  there  were  two  copper  vessels  of  ex- 
cellent polish.  3ni'p  cannot  very  well  be  part. 
Hophal ;  in  connection  with  J"IDnO,  it  would 
just  as  well  as  the  following  n31U  have  the  fern, 
form.  It  seems  to  be  a  noun  formed  like  pV-l*D, 
nop,  'lVP  (Is.  viii.  8,  23)  with  the  meaning  of 
polish.  3DY  occurs  Lev.  xiii.  SO,  32  of  bleached 
hair,  become  somewhat  fox-like  by  leprosy;  the 
root,  3ni',  is,  however,  certainly  connected  with 
3HI,  Arab,  sahaba,  and  the  other  roots  iu  Hi 
and  Tli,  whose  meaning  extends  to :  to  be 
bright.  ni"N3n  is  properly  a  noun=loveli- 
nesses,  comp.   fYlUDn  '73,   2  Chron.  xx.  25. 

Ver.  28.  The  sacredness  of  the  guardians  as 
such,  especially  of  the  treasures  entrusted  to 
them  as  a  heave-offering  to  the  Lord  is  empha- 
sized by  Ezra,  in  order  to  make  them  right 
watchful  with  reference  to  them  until  they  shall 
have  delivered  them  up. 

Ver.  29.  POEOn  is  ace.  of  direction,  but  not 
stat.  constr.  as  the  article  shows.  The  riiD'Jl 
are,  because  almost  exclusively  the  temple- 
chambers,  sufficiently  definite  of  themselves. 
mrP.  iV3  is  in  apposition  with  the  foregoing. 

Vers.  31-30.  The  journey  and  arrival  in  Je- 
rusalem.— Ver.  31.  They  began  their  journey 
from  the  river  Ahava  on  the  twelfth  day  of 
the  first  month.  The  interval  from  the  first 
had  been  occupied  by  that  which  is  narrated  in 
vers.  16-30.  Tue  statement  in  ver.  15  that  they 
bad  encamped  only  three  days  on  the  river  of 
Ahava  is  probably  not  to  be  understood  as  if 
they  after  three  days  had  again  broken  up 
(Berth.),  but  indicates  either  the  point  of  time 
when  that  which  is  mentioned  in  ver.  15  sq. 
occurred  (comp.  v.  32),  namely,  when  Ezra 
observed  t lie  lack  of  Levites  (Keil) ;  or  it  means 
to  say  that  after  three  days  they  had  gone  some- 
what further  on  their  way,  but  without  leaving 
the  river  Ahava,  towards  a  region  where  they 
could  unite  with  those  coming  from  Casiphiah, 
from  thence  then  entering  upon  their  journey 
proper. 

Ver.  32.  When  then  they  had  come  to  Jerusa- 
lem, according  to  chap.  vii.  9,  on  the  first  day 
of  the  fifth  month,  then  after  a  lapse  of  three 
and  a  half  months,  they  remained  there  three 
days,  that  is,  rested,  until  they  understood 
something  further,  just  as  Nehemiah  in  chap.  ii. 


84 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZR\. 


11,    whilst    without   doubt   they    already    made 
preparation  for  the  delivery  of  (he  treasures. 

Ver.  33.  Now  on  the  fourth  day  they 
weighed  out  the  treasures  in  the  hand  (ver.  26) 
of  the  priest  Meremoth  ben  Uriah,  whom  we 
find  again  Neh.  iii.  4,  21,  and  probably  also 
Neh.  xii.  3,  and  Eleazar  ben  Phinehas,  who  is 
not  further  mentioued,  and  two  Levites,  Jozabad 
ben  Jeshua,  who  may  be  identical  with  the  one 
mentioned  in  chap  x.  23,  and  Noadiah  ben  Bin- 
nui,  whose  family  is  mentioned  likewise  in  Neh. 
x.  10;   xii.  8. 

Ver.  34.  By  number  and  weight  of  every 
one,  that  is,  as  it  was  for  each  and  every  num- 
ber and  weight.  The  weight  was  written  then 
at  that  time,  as  Neh.  iv.  16,  in  a  public  docu- 
ment, so  that  the  correct  preservation  might  be 
confirmed. 

Ver.  35.  In  order  now  to  secure  for  them- 
selves a  good  reception  with  the  Lord,  they 
offered  above  all  burnt-offerings,  whereby  they 
rendered  homage  to  Him,  dedicated  themselves 
to  Him  (comp.  notes  upon  iii.  3),  and  indeed  for 
all  Israel,  in  their  name  and  as  their  represen- 
tatives, conscious  indeed  that  they  had  value 
before  God  only  as  a  part  of  this  whole,  or 
rather  as  in  union  with  entire  Israel.  They 
offered  twelve  bullocks  (comp.  vi.  17),  besides 
ninety-six  rams  (ninety-six  as  intensification  of 
twelve)  and  seventy-seven  lambs  (seventy-seven 
as  intensification  of  seven,  the  number  seven 
expressing  the  covenant-relation),  as  a  founda- 
tion of  the  burnt-offering,  however,  twelve  he- 
goats  for  a  sin-offering,  because  only  the  recon- 
ciled can  do  homage  to  the  Lord  in  a  proper 
manner  and  worthily  dedicate  themselves  to  Him. 
Ver.  36.  In  order  now  to  put  themselves  in  a  good 
relation  with  the  sat  raps  and  governor  in  AbarNa- 
hara,  they  delivered  to  them  the  decree  of  the 
king.  The  satraps.  D'JiPTiynX,  Persian  (accord- 
ing to  the  inscription  of  Behistun),  khshatrapava, 
from  khthatrapavan,  from  which  the  noun  in  the 
Hebrew  expression  of  the  word  is  explained,  prop. 
=land-protector*  (comp.  Esth.  iii.  12;  viii.  9 ; 
Dan.  iii.  2),  come  into  consideration  as  military 
officers,  alongside  of  the  governors,  fiiins,  as 
the  presidents  of  the  civil  government. — And 
they  furthered,  etc. — These  closing  words  are 
certainly  to  be  referred  to  those  Persian  mag- 
nates, to  whom  indeed  this  supporting  was  com- 
manded by  the  royal  edict,  vii.  20-24.  NHJ  as 
i.  4.  The  Perfect  IXi^J  with  1  simply  continues 
the  narrative  as  *73p!  in  ver.  30. 


THOUGHTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OP  REDEMPTION. 

Vers.  1-14.  !?o  long  as  God  was  obliged  to 
dwell  in  a  particular  temple,  in  the  midst  of  His 
congregation,  yet  separated  from  them,  mediato- 


*  TRawlinson  in  loro:    "The  word  is  derived   from 
Ihy.hutra,  "crown,"  and  pal.,   "to  protect,"  the    active 

Sirt.  of  which  would  ho  pana.  It  is  evident  that  the 
ehrew  term  represents  the  older  form  of  the  word, 
and  represents  it.  pretty  closely.  There  is  a  prosthetic 
Aleph,  as  in  adarknn  and  Ahasiierus,  and  the  tr  of  the 
Persian  becomes  in  the  Ilelirew  dr ;  but  otherwise  the 
letters  are  correctly  rendered."  Rawlinson  refers  the 
satrap  to  the  chief  ruler  of  the  Persian  provinces,  from 
which  the  governors  (pachavoth),  rulers  of  smaller  dis- 
tricts, are  distinguished.— Tu.J 


rial  persons  were  still  necessary,  namely,  priests, 
and  a  worship  of  sacrifices  ;  Jerusalem  must  still 
remain  the  proper  place  of  worship,  ;ind  Judah 
he  the  holy  laud  as  no  other  land  could  be.  And 
the  congregation  in  the  dispersion  must  regard 
it  as  their  sacred  duty,  over  and  over  again  to 
put  themselves  in  relation  to  the  temple  and 
Jerusalem,  and  send  thither  whole  bands,  in 
whom  the  longing  for  the  land  of  their  fathers 
awoke,  to  the  enlargement  of  the  principal  con- 
gregation, or  yet  at  least  little  embassies  (comp. 
Zech.  vi.  9),  to  enliven  the  communion  with  it,  so 
likewise  to  take  part,  when  opportunity  offered, 
either  in  person,  or  at  least  through  representa- 
tives, in  the  offering  of  sacrifice  in  the  legitimate 
place  of  sacrifices.  This  common  relation  to  the 
one  centre  and  hearthstone  of  their  religious 
life,  constituted  a  bond,  which  held  the  people 
together  in  spite  of  every  scattering  and  spread- 
ing out,  yes,  cultivated  the  feeling  of  a  grand 
unity;  and  even  if  this  bond  was  only  an  exter- 
nal one,  it  yet  was  all  the  more  important,  the 
weaker  the  internal  bond  was  in  the  times  of  the 
law  and  the  letter  of  the  law.  Christendom  is 
united  by  the  internal  bond  of  one  common  faith 
and  the  most  comprehensive  love.  Would  then 
that  this  may  never  prove  internally  weaker! 
Would  that  in  spite  of  all  distances  aud  separa- 
tions, all  might  remain  ever  truly  and  vitally  con- 
scious of  this,  that  they  may  constitute  more  than 
the  people  of  the  old  covenant  one  only  great  union 
the  body  of  the  Lord!  What  can  be  more  exalt- 
ing and  strengthening  than  this  consciousness 
that  we  do  not  stand  alone,  do  not  struggle  alone, 
do  not  suffer  alone,  do  not  rejoice  alone,  but  that 
the  Lord  has  in  every  land  a  people,  a  great  and 
united  people? 

Vers.  15-20.  The  relation  to  the  God  of  Revela- 
tion who  would  be  conceived,  not  according  to 
common  notions  or  ideas,  but  according  to  His 
historical  manifestation  of  Himself,  and  on  the 
ground  of  the  acts  of  redemption  wrought  by 
Him,  would  be  honored  according  to  the  regula- 
tions given  by  Himself, — begets  by  internal  ne- 
cessity the  need  of  instruction  and  training.  It 
cannot  be  maintained  in  any  other  way  than  by 
the  parents'  making  known  to  their  children, 
and  the  learned  to  the  unlearned,  the  Provi- 
dences and  Histories  through  which  the  true 
God  has  come  near  to  the  understanding, 
and  that  trained  aud  suitable  persons  should 
cultivate  the  divine  service  in  a  proper  man- 
ner. The  idea,  that  religious  knowledge,  so 
far  as  it  is  necessary  or  desirable,  makes  its 
appearance  in  every  man  of  itself,  lias  no  place 
except  in  thesphereof  natural  religion, and  iscon- 
nected,  if  it  has  become  more  general  in  our  day, 
with  a  falling  away  from  the  religion  of  revela- 
tion to  the  religion  of  nature.  It  thus  had  its  good 
ground  that  Ezra  would  not  go  up  to  Jerusalem 
and  enter  upon  the  work  of  elevation  of  the  con- 
gregation at  that  place,  without  having  gained 
above  all  a  sufficient  number  of  persons  for  his 
emigration,  who  might  stand  at  his  side,  as  in- 
structors and  helpers  in  the  worship  of  God.  Aud 
for  those  who  would  cherish  the  true  religion,  it 
should  ever  be  a  chief  care  to  attract  suitable 
teachers  and  ministers  to  the  church,  whilst  now, 
sad  to  see,  it  Beems  as  if  it  were  thought  that,  at 
any  rate,  they  could  be  dispensed  with. 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-36. 


83 


Vers.  21-30.  Already  in  Is.  lii.  11  the  encou- 
ragement: depart,  ill  part,  go  ye  out  from  [hence, 
is  connected  with  the  admonition,  be  ye  clean, 
ye  that  bear  the  vessels  of  the  Lord.  Ezra  might 
even,  without  this,  have  felt  himself  called  upon 
to  prepare  himself  and  those  whoaccompanied  him 
by  fasting;  that  is,  by  self-humiliation,  for  the 
journey  to  Jerusalem.  But  since  he  carried  with 
him  vessels  and  treasure  designed  for  the  house 
of  the  Lord,  and  in  so  far  sacred ;  in  other  words, 
since  his  journey  ministered  not  to  ordinary,  but 
sacred  purposes,  by  which  properly  all  who  took 
part  received  a  higher  significance,  purification 
and  sanctification  by  true  and  genuine  fasting, 
were  an  especially  indispensable  prerequisite. 
No  one  oan  essentially  further  the  cause  and  ho- 
nor of  God  in  a  free  and  conscious  manner  with- 
out previously  doing  what  fasting  signifies— 
namely,  chastising,  yea,  overcoming  his  soul — 
that  is,  his  old  man.  He  who  has  accomplished 
this  will  then  have  a  keener  feeling  also  for  the 
particular  obligation  imposed  upon  him  by  his 
calling  or  his  task,  especially  for  the  sacred 
duty  conscientiously  to  watch  that  that  which 
has  been  intrusted  to  us  of  blessings  or  gifts 
shall  be  truly  serviceable  for  the  higher  ends  for 
which  they  were  given  to  us.  He  will  under- 
stand the  connection  between  the  two  when  Ezra 
says:  at  first,  be  ye  holy  to  the  Lord,  and  the 
vessels  are  holy, — so  watch  and  take  care,  etc. 

Vers.  31-36.  Men  like  Ezra,  who  know  that 
they  are  instruments  in  the  hand  of  the  Lord, 
and  indeed  for  the  accomplishment  of  a  high 
mission,  may  reckon  with  the  confidence  of 
heroes  on  especial  divine  protection  and  support 
in  the  midst  of  all  the  dangers  threatening  them: 
"  And  although  all  the  devils  would  withstand 
us,"  etc.  What,  however,  is  secured  to  them  in 
this  respect  by  God  cannot  be  for  them  a  mo- 
tive for  giving  themselves  over  to  a  false  secu- 
rity, but  only  become  an  impulse  for  them  to 
make  use  of  all  that  is  entrusted  to  them,  with 
all  the  more  conscientiousness  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  its  purposes.  At  the  same  time 
they  would  be  very  careful,  like  Ezra,  when  he 
ordered  the  weight  of  the  gifts  brought  by  him 
to  be  written  down,  of  securing  the'r  good  name 
against  any  wicked  slanders  that  so  easily  are 
raised  against  them.  That,  the  returned  exiles 
so  soon  offered  sacrifice  to  the  Lord,  and  indeed 
burnt-offerings,  with  the  sin-offorings  belonging 
to  them,  expresses,  moreover,  the  knowledge 
that  the  mere  offering  of  external  gifts,  however 
great  they  might  be,  amounted  to  nothing;  that 
an  internal  gift,  namely,  that  of  the  heart,  by 
internal  worship,  must  be  added,  yea,  that  it 
alone,  if  it  be  of  the  true  kind,  g'.ves  worth  to 
all  the  rest. 

When  the  returned  exiles  laid  claim  ti  pro- 
tection  anil  support  on  the  part  of  the  magis- 
tracy through  tlie  handing  over  the  decree  of 
the  king'to  his  officers,  they  subordinated  them- 
selves to  them  thereby  at  the  same  time.  As  they 
thus  through  their  sacrifice  gave  to  God  what  be- 
longed to  God,  so  through  the  decree  of  Artnx- 
erx'S  they  gave  to  the  state  what  the  state  might 
expect. 


HOMILETICAL   AND    PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  15-20.  The  importance  of  teachers  and 
other  officials  in  the  congregation.  1)  Ezra, 
although  there  were  priests  enough  in  Jerusa- 
lem, felt,  the  absence  of  Levites  and  other  per- 
sons of  lower  rank,  who  there  might  care  for 
the  divine  service,  and  aUo  instruct  the  people. 
2)  He  seeks  to  procure  them  before  ho  under- 
takes anyihing  further.  3)  He  gains  them 
through  the  experienced  help  of  God. — Starke: 
That  Ezra  seeks  to  supply  the  lack  of  Levites, 
and  sends  so  far  for  them,  shows  his  zeal  for  the 
house  of  God,  and  indicates  how  much  we  should 
mike  of  wis-?  ministers  of  God,  should  it  ever  be 
necessary  to  bring  them  from  afar.  We  need 
also  frequently  such  persons  as  may  fill  ihe 
lower  offices  more  pressingly  than  others  who 
sit  in  exalted  stations;  and  we  must  have  more 
village-pastors  than  doctors  of  theology  and 
superintendents.  He  who  is  of  a  sincere  and 
unmvious  disposition  in  the  ministerial  office 
will  not  always  be  alone,  but  can  very  well 
endure,  yea,  desires  and  assists,  that  more  la- 
borers and  colleagues  may  be  procured  along- 
side of  him,  Num.  xi.  29;   Matt,  ix  37. 

Vers.  21-30.  Respecting  the  tru»  preparation 
for  the  most  important  journey.  1  )  By  fasting 
or  overcoming  one's  self;  2)  By  watchfulness 
with  respect  to  the  blessings  and  gifts  that  serve 
to  glorify  the  divine  name  ;  3)  By  conscientious 
execution  of  the  higher  duties. — Starke:  Al- 
though Christians  are  not  bound  to  any  particu- 
lar time  of  fasting,  yet  they  should  ever  lead  a 
temperate  and  moderate  life,  in  order  that  they 
may  be  the  more  qualified  for  prayer.  1  Peter 
iv.  8. — Observe  this,  ye  travellers:  Divine  pro- 
tection sought  by  humble  prayer  is  your  safest 
escort. — God  is  the  be-t  guide  (Ps.  xci.  11); 
though  we  walk  in  the  dark  valley,  we  need  not 
fear,  Ps.  xxiii.4.  If  after  I  he  offering  of  prayer  our 
enterprise  goes  successsfully  on,  we  ought  not  to 
think  that  it  hns  been  without  dangers,  but  con- 
fidently believe  that  our  prayer  has  been  heard. 
Vers.  31-36.  The  pilgrims  to  Zion.  1)  Their 
journey  (istowards  Jerusalem  underGod's  espe- 
cial protection);  2)  their  blessings  and  gifts 'be- 
long to  the  house  and  congregation  of  the  Lord) ; 
?.)  their  aim  (to  offer  to  the  Lord,  and  indeed, 
above  all  themselves,  recognizing  the  authorities 
of  the  world).  Brentius:  Sunt  auteni  (Chiis- 
tium),  sanctificari  in  bapti>mo  perfidem  in  Christum. 
I'nd'.  port  are  debrnt  sancta  vasa,  qum  sunt  sancta 
opera.     Credere  in  Christum,  sanctum  opus  est. 

[Henry:  All  our  concerns  about  ours-loes,  our 
families,  our  estates,  'tis  our  Wisdom  and  Duty  by 
l'rayer  to  commit  them  to  God  anil  leave  the  care 
of  them  with  Him.  Our  prayers  must  always  be 
seconded  with  endeavors. — 'Tis  a  greit  ease  to 
one's  mind  to  be  discharged  from  a  trust ;  and  a 
great,  honor  to  one's  name  to  be  able  to  make  it 
appear  that  it  hath  been  faithfully  discharged. 
— Wordsworth:  It  appears  from  the  narrative 
that  Ezra's  God  was  good,  his  treasurers  faith- 
ful, and  his  companions  devout;  and  that  the 
royal  governors  furthered  his  work.  Such  were 
the  salutary  effects,  of  prayer  and  fasting. — Tr.] 


86  THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


SECOND   SECTION. 

The  Chief  Fault  of  the  Time  and  its  Removal. 
Chaps.  IX.— X. 

A.— THE  CHIEF  FAULT  OF  THE  TIME  AND  EZRA'S  PENITENTIAL  PRAYER. 

Chap.  IX.  1-15. 
I.    The  Chief  Fault  of  the  Time,  and  Ezra' s  Sorrow  for  It.     Vers.  1-4. 

I  Now  when  these  things  were  done,  the  princes  came  to  me,  saying,  The  people  of 
Israel,  and  the  priests,  and  the  Levites,  have  not  separated  themselves  from  the 
people  of  the  lands,  doing  according  to  their  abominations,  even  of  the  Canaanites, 
the  Hittites,  the  Perizzites,  the  Jebusites,  the  Ammonites,  the  Moabites,  the  Egyp- 

2  tians,  and  the  Amorites.  For  they  have  taken  of  their  daughters  for  themselves, 
and  for  their  sons :  so  that  the  holy  seed  have  mingled  themselves  with  the  people 
of  those  lands :  yea,  the  hand  of  the  princes  and  rulers  hath  been  chief  in  this  tres- 

3  pass.     And  when  I  heard  this  thing,  I  rent  my  garment  and   my  mantle,  and 

4  plucked  off  the  hair  of  my  head  and  of  my  beard,  and  sat  down  astonied.  Then 
were  assembled  unto  me  every  one  that  trembled  at  the  words  of  the  God  of  Israel, 
because  of  the  transgression  of  those  that  had  been  carried  away  and  I  sat  astonied 
until  the  evening  sacrifice. 

II.   Ezra's  Penitential  Prayer.     Vers.  5-15. 

5  And  at  the  evening  sacrifice  I  arose  up  from  my  heaviness;  and  having  rent  my 
garment  and  my  mantle,  I  fell  upon  my  knees,  an  1  spread  out  my  hands  unto  the 

6  Lord  my  God,  And  said,  O  my  God,  I  am  ashamed  and  blush  to  lift  up  my  face 
to  thee,  my  God:  for  our  iniquities  are  increased  over  our  head,  and  our  trespass  is 

7  grown  up  unto  the  heavens.  Since  the  days  of  our  fathers  have  we  been  in  a  great 
trespass  unto  this  day;  and  for  our  iniquities  have  we,  our  kings,  and  our  priests, 
been  delivered  into  the  hand  of  the  kings  of  the  lands,  to  the  sword,  to  captivity, 

8  and  to  a  spoil,  and  to  confusion  of  face,  as  it  is  this  day.  And  now  for  a  little  space 
grace  hath  been  shewed  from  the  Lord  our  God,  to  leave  us  a  remnant  to  escape, 
and  to  give  us  a  nail  in  his  holy  place,  that  our  God  may  lighten  our  eyes,  and  give 

9  us  a  little  reviving  in  our  bondage.  For  we  were  bondmen  ;  yet  our  God  hath  not 
forsaken  us  in  our  bondage,  but  hath  extended  mercy  unto  us  in  the  sight  of  the 
kings  of  Persia,  to  give  us  a  reviving,  to  set  up  the  house  of  our  God,  and  to  repair 

10  the  desolations  thereof,  and  to  give  us  a  wall  in  Judah  and  in  Jerusalem.  And 
now,  O  our  God,  what  shall  we  say  after  this?  for  we  have  forsaken  thy  cornmand- 

II  men ts,  Which  thou  hast  commanded  by  thy  servants  the  prophets,  saying,  The  land, 
unto  which  ye  go  to  possess  it,  is  an  unclean  land  with  the  filthiness  of  the  people 
of  the  lands,  with  their  abominations,  which  have  filled  it  from  one  end  to  another 

12  with  their  uncleanness.  Now  therefore  give  not  your  daughters  unto  their  sons, 
neither  take  their  daughters  unto  your  sons,  nor  seek  their  peace  or  their  wealth 
for  ever :  that  ye  may  be  strong,  and  eat  the  good  of  the  land,  and  leave  it  for  an 

13  inheritance  to  your  children  for  ever.  And  after  all  that  is  come  to  pass  upon  us 
for  our  evil  deeds,  and  for  our  great  trespass,  seeing  that  thou  our  Go>l  hast  pun- 
ished us  less  than  our  iniquities  deserve,  and  hast  given  us  such  deliverance  as  this; 

14  Should  we  again  break  thy  commandments,  and  join  in  affinity  with  the  people  of 
these  abominations?  wouldest  not  thou  be  angry  with  us  1 11  thou  hadst  consumed 

15  us,  so  that  there  should  be  no  remnant  nor  escaping?  O  Lord  God  of  Israel,  thou 
art  righteous ;  for  we  remain  yet  escaped,  as  it  is  this  day :  behold,  we  are  before 
thee  in  our  trespasses;  for  we  caunot  stand  before  thee  because  of  this. 


CHAP.  IX.  1-15. 


87 


EXEGETICAL  AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  To  a  positive  strengthening  of  the 
life  in  accordance  with  the  law  belonged  without 
doubt  a  long  preparatory  activity  on  the  part  of 
Ezra.  It  could  not  be  accomplished  by  merely 
external  arrangements  or  contrivances.  Rather 
it  was  necessary  that  Ezra  should  bring  about 
an  internal  change,  excite  a  holy  zeal  for  the 
law,  as  we  see  it  break  forth  in  fact  at  a  later  pe- 
riod (Neh.  viii. — %.),  and  thus  above  all  deepen 
and  render  more  general  the  knowledge  of  the 
law.  But  already,  at  the  outset,  he  had  to  un- 
dertake a  negative  improvement,  the  removal  of 
a  bad  state  of  affairs  that  threatened  their  fu- 
ture. It  was  again  the  question  as  previously  in 
the  time  of  Zeruhbabel,  respecting  their  relation 
to  the  heathen,  which  was  involved  in  their  pre- 
sent political  relations,  especially  their  union 
with  heathen  under  the  same  government.  If, 
however,  the  problem  in  the  time  of  Zerubbabel 
had  been  merely  to  ward  off  those  who  would 
unite  with  the  congregation  on  the  plea  of  a  com- 
mon worship  of  Jehovah,  now  the  question  was 
with  reference  to  the  exclusion  of  those  with 
■whom  union  had  been  established,  notwithstand- 
ing difference  of  religion. 

Ver.  1.  And  after  the  completion  of 
these  things,  etc. — flivS  is  infin.  nomin.  =  com- 
pletion. nSs  is  neuter,  referring  to  the  things 
mentioned  in  chap.  viii.  33-36.  This  statement 
of  time  is  somewhat  indefinite — yet  we  are  not 
to  suppose  that  the  length  of  time  of  the  things 
here  narrated  was  very  long  after  chap.  viii. 
The  delivery  of  the  gifts  brought  with  them  oc- 
curred on  the  fourth  day  after  Ezra's  arrival ; 
thus,  on  the  fourth  or  fifth  day  of  the  fifth  month 
(comp.  chap.  viii.  32  and  chap.  vii.  9);  the  bring- 
ing of  the  offerings,  moreover,  chap.  viii.  35, 
without  doubt  soon  followed,  and  so  also  the  de- 
livery of  the  royal  decree  to  the  officials  (viii. 
36); "the  support  on  the  part  of  the  latter  may 
be  very  well  mentioned  in  chap.  viii.  36  prolep- 
tically,  or  is  to  be  understood  of  their  promise. 
If  a  longer  time  had  elapsed  between  Ezra's  arri- 
val in  Jerusalem  and  chap,  ix.,  it  would  not  have 
been  necessary  for  the  princes  of  the  congrega- 
tion to  have  first  made  complaint  respecting  the 
evil  circumstances  in  question,  but  Ezra  would 
have  observed  them  himself.  Accordingly  by 
the  ninth  month, — on  the  twentieth  day  of  which, 
according  to  chap.  x.  9,  the  first  assembly  of  the 
people  was  held  respecting  the  affair  here  coming 
into  question, — is  meant  without  doubt  the  ninth 
of  the  first  year  that  Ezra  passed  in  Jerusalem. 
— The  princes  came  to  me — D'T^L1  (wl,n 
the  article)  are  not  the  princes  as  a  whole — for 
according  to  ver.  2  many  of  them  participated  in 
the  guilt,  and  these  would  not  have  given  infor- 
mation of  themselves, — but  the  princes  in  dis- 
tinction from  the  people.  The  princes  distin- 
guish as  such  who  have  not  separated  themselves, 
that  is,  kept  themselves  separate  from  the  people 
of  the  land,  three  classes,  that  occur  elsewhere, 
also  along  side  of  one  another:   the  people  of 

Israel — that  is,  the  common  people  (7N"C'  is  in 


apposition  to  D^'H,  comp.  Jos.  viii.  33;  1  Kings 
xvi.  21); — the  priests  and  Levites — oomp. 
e.  g.  chap.  ii.  7(1. — The  people  of  the  lands 
are  the  edvif.  and  indeed,  first  of  all,  those  in  the 
vicinity,  comp.  chap.  vi.  21.  For  the  most  part 
there  were,  without  doubt,  remnants  of  the  an- 
cient tribes  of  Canaan,  whose  abominations,  ac- 
cording to  the  subsequent  narrative,  were  pecu- 
liar to  them;  but  probably  during  the  exile  other 
heathen  races  also  had  emigrated  into  the  depo- 
pulated Palestine.  Ezra  and  the  princes  thus, 
when  they  required  a  separation  from  all  these 
heathen, — that  is,  excluded  an  intermarriage 
with  them, — exceeded  the  letter  of  the  law.  which 
only  prohibited  intermarriage  with  the  Canaan- 
ites  (Ex.  xxxiv.  16;  Deut.  vii.  3), — but  not  be- 
cause a  certain  Pharisaism  had  already  made  it- 
self felt  among  them  (0.  v.  Gerlach  in  his  Bible- 
work),  but  because  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
now  if  the  congregation  was  to  be  preserved  from 
sinking  down  into  heathenism.  The  heathen 
dwelling  in  close  vicinity  to  them,  and  not  being 
separated  in  political  affairs,  the  mixed  marriages 
now  threatened,  if  not  positively  forbidden,  to 
become  disproportionately  numerous,  whilst  in 
former  times  they  could  never  have  been  more 
than  exceptional.  And  besides,  these  heathen 
were  now  essentially  the  same  as  the  ancient  Ca- 
naanites. — According  to  their  abomina- 
tions.— This  briefly  =  as  their  abominations  re- 
quired. 'V337  does  not  then  begin  the  enume- 
ration of  the  races  in  question — which  is  against 
not  only  the  accentuation  which  separates  this 
clause  so  strongly  from  the  nations,  but  also  the 
position  of  the  word,  for  the  clause  "according 
to  their  abominations  "  would  not  then  have  in- 
tervened, but  should  have  followed  the  enume- 
ration; and  besides  also  the  7  before  "Ji'33 — 
which  would  have  scarcely  an  analogy  in  its  fa- 
vor. Rather  \yy3j,  "belonging  to  the  Canaan- 
Res;"  briefly=as  they  were  peculiar  to  the  Ca- 
naauites,  the  Hittites,  etc.  The  abominations  are 
designated  by  this  clause  as  the  ancient  ones, 
condemned  by  the  prophets,  and  especially  by 
Moses,  long  before;  and  all  the  various  names 
of  nations  are  mentioned  because  the  abomina- 
tions had  been  so  many  and  so  different  among  the 
different  races.  It  was  not  the  purpose  to  give 
a  complete  statement,  else  the  Hivites  (comp. 
Ex.  iii.  8;  xiii.  5;  xxiii.  23)  and  also  the  Gir- 
gashitea  (comp.  Deut.  vii.  1)  would  also  have 
been  mentioned. 

Ver.  2.  For  they  have  taken  of  their 
daughters,  etc. — namely,  wives,  comp.  chap. 
x.  ii;  2  Chron.  xi.  21,  etc.  The  object  D'y'J  is 
in  this  connection,  to  a  certain  extent,  to  oe  un- 
derstood of  itself. — And  have  mingled  them- 
selves as  the  holy  seed  with  the  people 
of  the  land. — This  has  properly  the  same  sub- 
ject ns  the  foregoing.  The  following  EHpH  V2\ 
is  to  be  placed  in  apposition  with  the  subject,  a* 
it  seems;  that  is  to  say,  although  they  are  a  new 
and  holy  seed,  or  shoot,  which,  after  the  old  tree 
had  fallen  by  the  severe  judgments  of  God,  was 
to  grow  up  into  anewitnd better  tree.  Since  the 
expression  "holy  seed"  does  not  occur  again 
elsewhere,  it  is  not   doubtful  but  that  there  is 


83 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


here  a  reference  back  to  Isa.  vi.  13.  That  at 
least  the  better  part  of  the  people  had  not  yet 
by  any  means  forgotten  the  ancient  prophets,  but 
preserved  them  at  the  present  time  to  strengthen 
their  faith,  follows  already  from  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  where  the  Messianic  promise,  on  the 
basis  of  the  more  ancient  prophecy,  yet  again 
brought  forth  the  richest  flowers. — Yea,  the 
hand  of  the  princes — rulers  hath  been 
chief  in  this  trespass. — In  this  unfaithful- 
ness the  princes  had  been  leaders  with  their  bad 
example,   assuming  thereby  the  responsibility, 

comp.  Deut.  xiii.  10.  7£"3,  properly  unfaithful- 
ness (comp.  Lev.  v.  15)  is  spoken  of,  in  bo  far  as 
they  bad  abandoned  the  blessing  of  the  purity 
of  Israel  and  periled  thereby  the  higher  bless- 
ings   connected  therewith.      Q'JJO  =  command- 

o  ■  T : 

ers,  chiefs,  is  a  word  passing  over  from  the  an- 
cient Persian  into  the  Hebrew,  comp.  Is.  xli.  25. 

Ver.  3.  Ezra  could  not  but  express  the  deepest 
pain  at  this  information,  as  well  as  the  greatest 
displeasure,  and  indeed  with  the  warmth  of  Ori- 
ental manners;  none  the  less  that  there  must  be 
applied  a  remedy,  only  to  be  carried  out  with 
difficulty,  and  occasioning  much  sorrow.  He 
expressed  his  grief  by  rending  (tearing)  his  un- 
der and  over-garment  (comp.  Lev.  x.  6  and  Josh. 
vii.  6),  his  displeasure  and  anger  by  plucking 
out  the  hair  of  the  head  and  beard  (a  part  of  it ), 
comp.  Neh.  xiii.  25;  that  is  to  say,  he  hurt  him- 
self and  disfigured  his  appearance  (comp.  Isa.  1. 
6);  if  he  had  only  been  sad,  he  would  have 
shaved  hia  head,  Job  i.  20.  In  this  condition  he 
then  sat  down  staring,  D^tf  in  Piel  expresses 
the  being  stiff  and  dull  (hence  also  the  being 
waste),  comp.  Isa.  Hi.  14. 

Ver.  4.  Ezra's  behaviour  produced  a  profound 
impression  upon  those  who  feared  God's  word; 

because  of  the  unfaithfulness  of  nVun,  the 

people  of  God  living  in  captivity  Ezra  continued 
his  behaviour  herein  even  when  they  assembled 
themselves  unto  him.  According  to  chap.  x.  3 
we  are  not  to  explain:  all  who  trembled  at  the 
word  of  God  on  account  of  the  unfaithfulness, 

etc.;  although  "Pn  may  be  connected  with  lj!_ 
(Is.  lxvi.  2,  where  1$,  indeed=7X,  in  the  sense 
of  trembling  towards,  comp.  Is.  lxvi.  5),  but:  all 
who  allowed  themselves  to  be  frightened  by 
God's  words,  which  referred  to  the  unfaithful- 
ness. God  is  here  called  the  God  of  Israel 
because  He  had  in  the  words  in  question  called 
for  the  purity  and  dignity  of  Israel. 

Vers.  5-15.  At  the  time  of  the  evening  sacri- 
fice, however,  he  arose  from  his  mortification — 
IV39P,  humiliation,  mortification,  which  had 
consisted  in  giving  way  to  sorrow,  but  had  cer- 
tain ly  likewisB  been  connected  with  fasting,  and 
indeed  accompanied  with  the  rending  of  his 
over  or  under-garmrnt ;  that  is  to  say,  in  that  he 
still  continued  or  repeated  the  rending — in  order 
now  to  spread  out  his  hands  to  God  as  those  who 
pray  usually  did  (1  Kings  viii.,  etc.),  publicly 
uttering  a  penitential  prayer. 

Ver.  G.  This  penitential  prayer  would  empha- 
size throughout  what  great  reasons  the  congrega- 
tion had  of  bewaring  of  the  sins  in  question.     He 


renders  prominent  in  ver.  6  how  great  guilt  they 
already  had  upon  them  without  this,  and  adds  in 
ver.  7  that  sin  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  mis- 
fortune and  misery  of  Israel.  He  calls  to  mind 
in  ver.  9  that  God's  grace  had  preserved  only 
just  such  a  remnant,  but  by  no  means  had  con- 
stituted a  situation  in  which  they  could  dispense 
with  Him.  He  confesses  iu  vers.  10-12  that  God 
had  expressly  forbidden  the  sins  now  indulged 
iu,  and  had  made  nothing  less  thin  the  strengtli 
of  the  congregation,  yea.  the  very  possession 
of  the  land,  conditional  upon  their  obedience  to 
his  command.  He  then  in  vers.  13  and  14  raises 
i  he  painful  and  sad  question,  and  draws  the  in- 
ference whether,  if  after  so  many  chastisements, 
and  after  such  an  exhibition  of  favor,  they  should 
again  be  guilty  of  such  a  transgression  of  the  di- 
vine command,  whether  God  would  not  then 
really  become  angry  unto  their  entire  destruc- 
tion. He  concludes  in  ver.  15  with  the  repenting 
confession  that  the  Lord  is  righteous,  that  the 
congregation,  however,  cannot  stand  before  H>m. 
Ezra  now  prays  expressly  for  forgiveness,  as  we  . 
might  expect :  he  ventures  not,  he  is  ashamed,  as 
he  himself  says,  to  lift  up  his  face  to  the  Lord. 
But  such  a  penitential  prayer  and  confession  of 
sin  is  already  in  itself  a  pleading  for  grace  ;  yea, 
works  more  powerfully  indeed  than  a  petition 
expressedly  uttered.  And,  at  any  rate,  it  is,  just 
as  it  is,  very  well  calculated,  at  the  same  time, 
to  bring  the  people  to  the  lively  consciousness 
of  the  perverseness  of  their  sin. 

Ver.  6.  I  am  ashamed  and  blush. — Bfia  and 
DjZlJ  are  joined  together  for  emphasis,  as  in  Jer. 

xxxi.  19,  etc. — For  our  iniquities  are  in- 
creased over  our  head. — Occasioned  by  the 
transgression  under  consideration  ;  all  sins  and 
transgressions  whatever  come  to  the  remem- 
brance of  Ezra.  He  who  already  has  so  many 
sins  upon  him  should  take  very  particular  care 
lest  a  new  one  should  be  added,  especially  when 
one  has  already  been  brought  into  such  deep  mi- 
sery by  the  previous  ones.  O"^  from  7131  has 
the  same  meaning  as  usually  IS1}  from  33"1- 
i"P,J'07  =  upwards,  passes  over  easily  in  our  au- 
thor to  the  adverbial  sense  of  "  very  abundant- 
ly" (comp.  1  Chron.  xxix.  3),  even  with  T\2~\ 
(comp.  1  Chron.  xxiii.  17),  but  here  in  connec- 
tion with  tyiO  retains  its  meaning  as  a  preposi- 
tion  =  beyond.  The  iniquities  are  regarded  as 
a  flood  in  which  man  soon  perishes  [comp.  Pa. 
xxxviii.  4,  and  the  general  use  of  water  to  indi- 
cate great  troubles]  [our  trespasses — unto 
the  heaven — comp.  2  Chron.  xxviii.  9;  thus 
the  mercy  of  God  is  compared  in  extent  with  the 
heavens,  ri'rf.  Ps.  xxxvi.  5;  lvii.  10,  etc. — Tr .]. 
Ver.  7.  And  for  our  iniquities  we  have 

been  delivered into  the    hands  of  the 

kings  of  the  lands  to  the  sword,  etc. — To 
translate,  with  Bertheau,  through  the  sword,  is 
remote  from  the  sense,  and  is  not  suited  to  thn 
following  "into  captivity."  The  shame  is  called 
that  of  the  face  because  it  especially  worka  upon 
the  face,  as  Dan.  ix.  7. — As  this  day,  namely, 
teaches  or  shows;  3  in  connection  with  HIH  Dl'H 
is  not=  about    or  on,   biU    has    a   comparative 


CHAP.   IX.   1-15. 


89 


force,  as  also  in  Jer.  xliv.  6;  xxii.  23;  1  Sum. 
xxii.  8.  The  present  teacbes  the  here  asserted 
delivering  over,  in  so  far  as  the  congregation  was 

still  a  ilVu.  conip.  ver.  4. 

Vers.  8,  9.  Tt  is  true,  the  Lord  has  again  al- 
lowed His  grace  to  work  after  His  anger,  but 
not  so  that  He  could  be  dispensed  with ;  only 
through  Him  has  the  congregation  protection 
and  continuance. — And  now  a  little  mo- 
ment (conip.  Isa.  xxvi.  20)  hath  been  grace 
from  the  Lord  our  God — namely,  during  the 
time  from  Cyrus  to  the  present,  which  seems 
short  in  comparison  with  the  long  time  of  the 
previous  chastisement,  especially  since  the  latter 
had  begun  already  with  the  Assyrians  (comp. 
chap.  vi.  22  and  Neh.  ix.  32),  and  had  properly 
been  continued  even  to  the  time  of  Cyrus.  Ezra 
would  not  so  much  praise  the  greatness  of  the 
divine  grace,  as  if  his  thought  had  been  that 
transgression  ought  to  hive  been  avoided  out  of 
thankfulness  (for  then  he  would  have  expressed 
himself  in  an  entirely  different  manner),  but  he 
would  say  that  the  congregation,  whatever  it 
might  be,  was  only  through  grace  ;  and  back  of 
this  lies  the  thought  that  with  it  they  would  for- 
feit their  one  and  all. — To  leave  us  a  rem- 
nant and  to  give  us  a  peg  in  his  holy- 
place. — uS  =  us,  "the  people  as  a  whole,"  in 
distinction  from  which  the  nt0'*73  isthecongre- 

T    "  : 

gation  of  the  returned  exiles.  The  peg,  "1JV,  is 
to  be  regarded  as  one  driven  into  the  wall,  on 
which  domestic  utensils  of  any  kind  were  hung, 
comp.  Is.  xxii.  23  sq.*  Hence  we  cannot  under- 
stand thereby,  either  with  Bertheau,  the  congre- 
gation itself  (to  make  us  a  peg  =  a  congregation 
of  a  reliable  stock),  or,  with  Keil,  the  temple, 
which  is  opposed  by  the  words,  "in  the  holy 
place;''  rather  "to  give  any  one  a  peg  in  a 
house"  (here  in  the  temple,  in  the  holy  place) 
means  to  give  him  a  part  and  right  in  the  house, 
accept  him  as  a  coinhabitant  in  the  house.  It 
comes  into  consideration  that  God  is  often  re- 
garded as  a  Householder,  and  His  people,  in 
a  similar  manner,  often  as  His  family,  who 
dwell  with  Him  in  His  house  (comp.  Psalms 
xv.  1;  xxiii.  6;  xxvii.  4,  etc.).  We  have  an 
example  in  Isaiah  I  vi.  5:  I  will  give  them 
hand  and  name  in  my  house,  where  the  T  ex- 
plained in  so  many  different  ways  may  be  simply 
activity  or  right  to  be  active,  in  general  to  stir 
one's  self. — That  our  God  might  lighten  our 
eyes,  and  give  us  a  little  reviving  in  our 

bondage. — The  infins.  Vxri7  and  'OnnS  are 
subordinated  to  the  foregoing  infinitive?  =  that. 

he  thereby.  The  subject  M'tTttt  appears  in  an 
independent  position,  as  especially  Isa.  v.  24  ; 
comp.  Ewald,  \  307,  c,  because  the  object  'J'J'^had 
preceded  and  intervened  between  it  and  the  infin. 
"The  eyes  enlighten"  means  to  remove  the  night 
of  trouble  and  weakness  res' ing  upon  them,  which 
was,  according  to  that  which  follows,  already  in- 
deed a  night  of  death,  and  indeed  by  reviving,  that 


*  [Rawlinson  in  loco  think?  of  the  tent  pin,  which  is 
driven  into  the  earth  to  make  the  tent  firm  and  secure, 
Is.  xxii.  23.  25.— Te.] 


is,  by  bestowing  salvation,  strength,  encourage- 
ment, comp.  Ps.  xiii.  4 ;  Prov.  xxix.  13,  especially 
also  1  Sam.  14,  27,  29. — il'DO  —  preservation  of 

T  :   • 

life,  or  as  here,  reviving  (comp.  2  Chron.  xiv.  12), 
is  used  here  for  the  adjective  "revived,"  whilst 
in  ver.  9  it  retains  its  abstract  meaning.  D£3 
is  added,  without  close  connection,  as  Neh.  ii,  12; 
vii.  4.  The  idea  at  the  basis  is,  that  national 
ruin  is  a  death  of  the  congregation,  anil  that  the 
re-establishme.it  is  an  awakening  from  the  dead. 
This  re-estnblishment  was  a  very  incomplete  ono 
so  long  as  the  dependence  on  the  powers  of  the 
world  still  endured,  and  the  congregation  must 

still  be  called  nVuH-  The  reference  to  the  pro- 
phecies of  the  prophets  is  here  unmistakable. 
As  the  expression  "holy  seed,"  already  in  ver. 
2,  so  also  "  leave  a  remant,"  and  the  expression 
"  peg,"  remind  us  very  decidedly  of  Isaiah, 
comp.  chaps,  i.  9;  xxii.  23  sq.;  lvi.  5;  the  ex- 
pression "revival "looks  back  upon  Ezek.  xxxvii. 
1-14,  where  the  figure  on  which  it  is  based  is 
carried  out  with  great  vividness  and  power. 
We  see  that  the  pious  Israelites  subsequent  to 
the  exile,  Ezra  before  all,  attentively  took  to 
heart  the  ancient  prophecies  of  chastisements, 
and  that  which  should  follow  them,  in  order  to 
apply  them  without  doubt  to  their  own  times. 

Ver.  9.  And  hath  extended  mercy  unto 
us  before  the  kings  of  Persia,  to  give  us 
revival. — The  subject  of  the  "giving"  is  not 
the  Persian  kings  (Berth.,  Keil),  which  is  opposed 
by  the  previous  vorse,  and  also  by  the  fact  itself; 
but  God  alone,  whose  it  is  alone  to  slay  and  make 
alive.  It  is  not  necessary,  on  this  account,  to 
make  God  the  subject  of  the  clause:  to  set  up 
the  house  of  our  God,  and  erect  its  ruins. 
This  infin.  may  be  subordinated  to  the  foregoing, 
so  that  the  Jews  become  the  subject  =  that  we, 
etc.  The  subject  of  the  last  infin.  to  give  us  a 
wall  in  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  is  surely 
again  God,  and  not  one  of  the  Persian  kings 
(Berth,  and  Keil).  The  expression  "give  a 
wall"  leads  of  itself  more  to  God,  for  it  is  na- 
turally to  be  understood  figuratively,  and  indeed 
not  of  the  temple,  but  in  the  more  general  sense 
of  the  protection  which  was  afforded  the  con- 
gregation in  Judah  and  Jerusalem  against  their 
oppressors,  comp.  Zech.  ii.  6. 

Vers.  10-12.  The  transgression  here  spoken 
of  cannot  be  excused  at  all,  with  the  plea,  that  it 
was  not  expressly  forbidden  — And  now,  what 
shall  we  say  ? — for  we  have  forsaken  thy 
commandments, — not:  that  we  have  forsaken 
(Berth,  and  Keil),  which  would  be  weak.  Ezra 
means:    I  may  thus  ask,  for,  etc. 

Ver.  11  may  be  translated:  thou  who,  or  also, 
which  thou  hast  commanded  by  thy  ser- 
vants, the  prophets — Ezra  does  not  mention 
Moses  in  particular,  but  the  prophets  in  general, 
not  because  the  commands  of  the  Pentateuch 
were  not  mediated  or  written  down  by  Mo-es 
alone,  but  also  by  other  organs,  as  Delitzs  h  in 
his  introduction  to  Genesis  supposes; — whether 
Ezra  knew  this,  is  at  least  very  doubtful, — but 
h  cause  his  thought  is  that  God  by  His  prophets 
has  given  or  again  enforced  the  commandments 
in  manifold  and  oft-repeated  wnys.  comp.  Judg. 
iii.  6;    1   Kings  xi.  2.       When  a  truth   is  under 


'.  I 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


consideration,  which  is  not  represented  by  one 
p.ophet,  but  more  or  less  by  all,  then  it  is  usual 
to  cite  in  general,  as  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Kings  also  does.  Moses  is  meant  at  any  rate, yea 
chiefly.  And  this  explains  the  fact  that  Ezra 
states  the  command,  not  it  is  true  verbally  from 
a  passage  in  the  Pentateuch,  butyet  formularized 
in  a  manner  only  appropriate  to  the  Mosaic 
period,  when  they  still  had  to  take  possession  of 
Canaan.  He  has  in  mind  before  all  Deut.  vii. 
1—3,  as  there  also  the  entire  manner  of  expression 
is  undeniably  that  of  Deuteronomy,  but  he  draws 
into  consideration,  in  a  free  manner,  other  pas- 
sages, and  indeed  even  from  Leviticus,  comp. 
especially  Lev.  xviii.  24  sq.  P11,  the  abomina- 
ble, for  which  in  Lev.  only  HNOI3  and  jVUi'W 

T  '•  \ 
occur,  is  used  in  the  Pentateuch  ot  the  impurity 

of  the  issues  of  blood  in  women,  only  subse- 
quently by  the  prophets  of  other  impurities  like- 
wise, especially  also  of  ethical  impurities  (comp. 

1  Sara.  i.  17;  Ezek.  vii.  20;  xxxvi.  17).  It  is 
preferred  to  its  synonyms  as  an  especially  strong 

expression.  n3~7S<  i"l3"p,  does  not  mean,  cer- 
tainly: from  side  to  side  (Keil),  or  from  one  end 
to  another  (Berth.,  A.  V.);  for  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other  meaning  has  been  proved,  or  ety- 
mologically  established  for  PS-  Iu  Isa.  xix.  7  it 
is  either  the  mouth,  or  the  bed  of  the  Nile  (later 
i  i  distinction  from  the  bank,  as  the  PI30).    H3 

T  T 

is  easily  the  equivalent  of  person,  from  person 
to  person,  is,  however  =  on  or  in   all  persons, 

=lhroughout  and  everywhere.     Comp.   713?  713, 

2  Kings  x.  21;  xxi.  16.  It  is  worthy  of  atten- 
tion, of  course,  that  this  method  of  expression 
only  occurs  of  objects  which  hold  men,  of  land, 
huuse  and  city,  or  of  men  themselves. 

Ver.  12.  Nor  seek  their  peace  nor  their 
■wealth  forever.-These  words  are  from  Dt.  xxiii. 
7,  where  this  is  said  with  reference  to  the  Moab- 
ites  and  Ammonites.  It  almost  seems  as  if  Ezra 
would  have  justified  from  the  very  letter  of  the  law 
by  this  citation,  his  extension  of  the  prohibition 
of  intermarriage  to  the  Moabites  and  \mmonites. 
The  clause,  that  ye  may  be  strong,  reminds 
in  of  Deuteron.  xi.  8;  the  next  clause,  and  eat 
the  good  of  the  land,  of  Isa.  i.  19;  the 
last  clause,  however:  and  possess  it,  or  take 
possession  of  it  for  your  children  for 
ever,  which  does  not  occur  in  the  Pentateuch  in 
this  form,  rests  on  the  promise  that  is  often  re- 
p-atcd,  especially  in  Deuteronomy,  that  in  case 
of  obedience  they  would  live  long  in  the  land 
that  the  Lord  gave  them.  t?'^in  means  here  not 
give  into  possession  (Berth.,  Keil),  for  then  it 
must  govern  the  double  accusative  (comp.  Judg. 
xi.  31;  2  Chron.  xx.  11),  but  "take  into  posses- 
ion, possess."  For  the  children,  posterity,  that 
is,  permanently. 

Vers.  13,  14.  Thus  there  can  be  no  question 
but.  that  the  new  transgression  is  to  be  decidedly 
condemned.  This  follows,  as  well  from  the  pun- 
ishmeut  for  previous  sins,  as  from  the  way  of 
pardon. — And  after  all  that  is  come  upon 
us  for  our  evil  deeds,  and  for  our  great 
trespass. — The  article  before  N3  properly  repre- 
sents the  relative,  as  viii.  25;  x.  14,  17;  for  SO 


cannot  well  be  a  participle;  as  such  it  would  be 
in  the  plural.  The  continuation  of  this  clause 
does  Dot  occur  already  in  the  second  half  of  the 
ver.  (Berth.);  in  this  case  the  following  y3  would 
have  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of,  in  truth  (after 
all,  in  truth  hast  Thou,  our  God,  spared  us), 
then  ver.  14  would  be  in  too  little  connection ;  it 
would  not  appear  that  two  kinds  of  things,  that 
as  well  punishment  as  forgiveness  formed  the 
foundation  of  ver.  14.  Rather  the  second  half 
of  the  verse  verifies  the  thought,  which  is  in- 
volved in  the  first,  that  the  guilt  was  very  great, 
and  that,  it  properly  would  have  deserved  still 
severer  punishment,  and  thus  entirely  prepares 
the  way  for  ver.  14.  Its  sense  is,  at  any  rate, 
that  the  punishment  has  been  less  than  the  trans- 
gression. The  words  might  mean:  For  thou, 
our  God,  hast  restrained  a  part  of  our 
sins  from  below,  so  that  they  (namely, 
through  theirco'jsequences,thevisitations  of  pun- 
ishment) have  not  gone  entirely  over  our  head, 
have  not  utterly  ruined  us;  for  there  is  no  objec- 
tion totakingOJU'O  partitively.  Already  Esdras 
has  thus :  i  novC/icac  rdc  d/japviac  ij/iCiv.  In  favor 
of  this  view  is  the  fact  that  in  this  way  i"lt3:37 
would  come  into  contrast  with  nLU>'Dv7  in  ver.  6, 
in  which  it  is  also  found  elsewhere,  Jer.  xxxi. 
37.  At  all  events,  however,  wo  may  likewise  ex- 
plain :  Thou  hast  restrained  Thine  anger  or  Thy 
punishment  below  the  measure  of  our  misdeeds, 
so  that  the  punishment  has  not  been  as  great  as 
our  misdeeds  deserved  (so  J.  H.  Mich.,  Gesen., 

and  Keil).  Htflp?,  indeed,  is  nowhere  else  found 
with  [O,  but  perhaps  only  for  the  reason  that  it 
nowhere  else  is  followed  by  a  noun  of  closer  de- 
finition,    p  follows,  at  least,  the  corresponding 

FnJJul,  1  Chron.  xxix.  3;  the  synonymous  finnip 
has  usually  7  after  it. 

Ver.  14.  Then  should  we  again  break  thy 
commandments,  and  unite  ourselves  in 
marriage  with,  etc. — This  question  appeals  to 
the  general  sentiment,  and  serves  to  emphasize 
very  strongly  the  blamableness  of  the  new  trans- 
gression.— Wouldst  thou  not  be  angry  with 

us,  even  to  destruction? — •  n73-"l,J?,  as  2 
Kings  xiii.  17,  19. 

Ver.  15.  Lord  God  of  Israel,  thou  art 
righteous. — This  concluding  and  confirming 
confession  would  not  say:  Thou  art  a  severe 
judge,  and  must  interfere  against  the  congrega- 
tion on  account  of  its  decline  (Bertheau  aud 
Keil).  The  usual  meaning  of  p"!S  (graciously 
righteous),  is  against  this,  and  tlion  also  the  fol- 
lowing clause,  "for  we  have  remained  over 
as  an  escaped  remnant,"  which  is  not  =  we 
have  remained  over  merely  as  escaped,  but:  we 
have  not  been  utterly  ruined.  Rather  Ezra 
would  say,  that  no  one  can  reproach  God  for  not 
doing  all  that  coul  1  be  expected. — Behold,  we 
are  before  thee  in  our  trespasses,  etc. — 
This,  the  second  half  of  the  verse,  constitutes 
a  very  suitable  and  logically  conclusive  antithe- 
sis to  the  foregoing.  The  more  blameless  God 
is   the   more   deserving  of  punishment    Israel's 


CHAP.  IX.  1-lu. 


91 


guilt.  Theyodh  lnU'£DE?K3  is  found  in  the  edi- 
tion of  R.  Norzi  and  J.  ii.  Mich.;  but  is  missing 
in  some  MSS.,  and  the  pointing  corresponds  with 
the  latter.  Both  methods  of  writing  might  in 
this  case  easily  go  on  alongside  of  one  another; 
the  singular  would  be  favored  by  ver.  18,  but  the 
plural  corresponds  with  the  full-toned  style  of 
Ezra. — [We  cannot  stand  before  thee,  e.g., 
as  thy  holy  people,  who  are  privileged  to  stand 
before   their   king. — Tr,.] — Because   of  this. 

J1XT~  7J£  =  with  this  new  evil  deed. 

THOUGHTS  UPON  THE  HISTORY  OF  REDEMPTION. 

Vers.  1-3.  1.  If  we  act  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  sacred  Scriptures,  even  the  Old  Testament 
already,  are  to  give  us  warning,  exhortation,  and 
instruction  with  reference  to  every  situation  and 
question  of  church,  civil,  ordomestiolife,  yea, that 
the  Old  Testament  very  particularly  comes  into 
consideration  for  the  details  of  life  it  is  natural 
that  we  should  find  in  the  opposition  that  Ezra 
makes  in  chapters  ix.  and  x.  to  intermarriage 
wilh  the  heathen,  a  warning  or  exhortation  with 
reference  to  intermarriage  with  those  of  a  differ- 
ent faith  from  our  own.  And  in  fact  that  which 
may  be  urged  against  such  an  application,  e. g., 
that  as  Christiana  we  rejoice  in  a  greater  liberty 
than  the  Jews;  that  mixed  marriages  have  not 
been  forbidden  of  themselves  and  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, that  the  Christian  church  is  never 
threatened  with  as  great  dangers  as  the  Jewish 
congregation  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  that  besides 
the  piety  of  the  Christian  has  a  mightier  protec- 
tion and  help  than  the  religion  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment pious — all  this  is  outweighed  by  the  op- 
posing facts.  The  wife  is  now  on  a  greater  equa- 
lity with  the  husband  than  in  ancient  times,  has 
a  greater  influence  upon  the  man  himself,  as  well 
as  in  the  training  of  the  children,  may  thus  easily 
become  more  dangerous.  B-sides  Christianity 
is  much  more  internal  and  deep  than  Old  Testa- 
ment piety,  more  influential  upon  the  heart  and 
disposition  upon  all  sides,  and  hence  comes  much 
more  into  consideration  with  reference  to  the 
married  life,  that  rests  upon  internal  communion. 
It  is  true  there  is  very  seldom  in  the  mixed  mar- 
riages of  our  times  a  ques  ion  respecting  the  dif- 
ference of  religion;  usually  it  is  only  respecting 
a  difference  in  the  confession  of  faith,  or  a  dif- 
ferent degree  of  vitality  of  Christian  religious- 
ness— and  to  place  marriages  of  this  kind  on  the 
same  basis  as  those  intermarriages  with  the 
heathen  would  be  premature,  yea  unfair.  Hea- 
thendom stood  in  an  essential  and  indeed  very 
positive  contrast  to  Judaism.  The  different 
Christian  confessions,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
the  essent  tal  things  in  common  with  one  another. 
And  between  those  which  are  distinguished 
merely  by  the  degree  of  the  vitality  of  their  Chris- 
tian religiousness,  there  is  often  no  positive  con- 
trast at  all;  the  less  vital  Christianity  may  be 
awakened  and  strengthened,  especially  if  treated 
with  love.  But  we  must  always  recognise  and 
lake  to  heart,  with  reference  to  Ezra  and  his 
behaviour,  the  fact,  that  in  the  conclusion  and 
conduction  of  a  marriage  those  considerations 
which  have  respect  to  the  interests  of  religion 
are  more  important  than  all  others,  and  there- 


fore a  difference  of  confession,  which  threatens 
not  to  promote  but  diminish  religious  ardor, 
accordiug  to  the  nature  of  the  case,  which  besides 
constantly  disturbs  or  of  itself  renders  impos- 
sible the  internal  living  together  in  the  highest 
and  holiest  spheres,  which  then  likewise  has  so 
much  that  is  unendurable  with  reference  to  the 
training  of  children,  and  involves  so  many  diffi- 
culties; that  likewise  in  the  same  manner,  a  lack 
of  any  religious  faith,  that  places  itself  in  open 
conflict  with  Christianity,  that  more  earnestly 
eonsidered,  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  positively  dif- 
ferent religion,  or  wanders  into  scornfulness  and 
frivolity, — these  ought  to  be  real  hinderances  to 
marriage  for  all  Christians.  As  regards  the 
lack  of  faith,  of  the  kind  here  referred  to,  which 
manifestly  must  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  at 
least  with  heathenism,  the  apostle  did  not  allow 
(1  Cor.  vii.  12,  13)  that  a  Christian  brother 
should  marry  an  unbelieving  wife,  or  the  reverse, 
but  only  that  he  should  retain  her  if  he  once  had 
her.  That  abrother  should  marry  an  unbelieving 
(heathen)  wife,  he  seems  not  to  have  regarded  as 
at  nil  possible.  With  reference  to  marriage  with 
an  unbeliever,  we  are  to  take  to  heart  what  he 
says  in  the  subsequent  context  (ver.  1G),  What 
knowest  thou,  0  wife,  whether  thou  shalt  save 
thy  husband,  or  what  knowest  thou,  0  man, 
whether  thou  shalt  save  thy  wife? 

2.  The  question  how  the  congregation  was  to 
net.  towards  others  of  a  different  faith,  was  now 
to  be  answered  for  the  second  time.  It  is  not 
easy,  with  reference  to  this  matter,  to  do  exactly 
the  right  thing;  for  Christians,  who  more  deci- 
dedly have  the  task  of  winning  others  for  their 
faith,  thus  in  no  way  should  shut  themselves  off 
from  them,  it  is  still  less  easy  than  for  the  Israel- 
ites. But  since  all  depends  upon  imparting  to  the 
others  the  best  that  we  have,  it  follows  that  we 
must  draw  back,  when  this  is  impossible,  espe- 
cially if  we  incur  the  danger  of  losing  this  best 
thing  ourselves.  Under  all  circumstances  it  is 
self-evident  that  we  should  only  cherish  such  an 
association  as  we  can  ever  withdraw  from  if  ne- 
cessary. 

3.  No  error  is  so  conspicuous  in  the  new  con- 
f-rcgation  as  that  of  intermarriage  with  the 
heathen.  Not  only  Fzra  but  Nehetniah  had  still 
to  contend  with  it  (Neh.  x.  31;  xiii.  23  sq.),  and 
as  the  princes,  so  indeed  had  the  sons  of  the 
high-priests  taken  part  in  it  (comp.  chap.  x.  18). 
Without  doubt  there  was  a  reason  in  the  circum- 
stances themselves.  Usually  new  tasks  are  im- 
posed as  well  upon  the  congregation  as  a  whole, 
as  also  upon  the  individuals  in  the  new  relations. 
A  new  end  is  to  be  attained,  and  the  difficulty  of 
striving  after  this  in  the  right  manner  often  in- 
volves the  temptation  of  approaching  it  in  a 
filse  way.  The  task  of  the  new  congregation 
was  to  ass'ime  such  a  relation  to  the  neighboring 
nations  from  whom  they  were  no  longer  separated 
by  political  boundaries,  as  that  they  might  ever 
be  in  the  position  in  the  fulness  of  time  for  ful- 
filling their  missionary  calling  with  reference  to 
them.  Accordingly  the  history  itself  urged 
onwards  to  a  sort  of  approximation.  Notwith- 
standing this,  however,  the  institution  of  false 
relations,  which  could  only  render  the  accom- 
plishment of  their  mission  impossible,  had  no 
excuse. 


92 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


4.  Having  lost  their  political  independence, 
aad  reduced  to  a  small  number,  the  congregation, 
even  their  leaders  or  princes  might  have  come 
upon  the  thought  that  it  was  not  only  allowable, 
but  indeed  was  advisable,  to  euter  inlo  closer 
relations  with  the  heathen,  who  now  were  sepa- 
rated from  them  by  so  very  little.  They  might 
have  hoped  that  their  people,  on  the  basis  of 
such  a  connection,  might  exercise  a  good  influ- 
ence with  reference  to  religion  and  morals,  and 
in  consequence  of  this  the  congregation  would 
gain  the  desirable  increase;  yet  this  error  would 
not  have  been  possible,  if  they  had  had  the  true 
singleness  of  heart  towards  the  divine  command. 
By  the  lack  of  this  singleness,  those  who  ought 
to  have  been  to  the  rest  of  the  congregation 
guides  to  good,  became  guides  to  evil.  Ezra  on 
his  part,  who  did  not  lack  this  singUuess,  re- 
cognised in  these  very  circumstances,  with  which 
the  princes  might  justify  the  transgression  under 
consideration,  grounds  for  just  the  contrary,  for 
a  still  more  careful  separation  from  the  heathen. 
In  fact,  just  because  the  congregation  were 
without  the  protection  of  a  political  independ- 
ence, because  moreover  they  had  become  weak 
and  despised  on  account  of  their  small  numbers, 
there  was  scarcely  a  doubt  that  the  heathen,  in- 
stead of  allowing  themselves  to  be  influenced  by 
the  Israelites,  would  have  become  the  influential 
factor  for  them,  and  they  would  have  jeopardized 
the  very  existence  of  the  congregation  itself. 

5.  In  a  similar  manner,  as  after  other  great 
judgments,  as,  for  example,  after  the  deluge,  it 
became  manifest  after  the  exile  likewise  that  the 
delivered,  however  excellent  they  proved  to  be 
at  first,  were  unable  to  constitute  a  really  new 
beginning,  which  should  be  pure  and  sinless,  but 
ever  only  a  continuation  of  the  ancient  sinful 
existence;  that  there  was  now  no  more  sinless 
development,  that  rather  sin  breaks  forth  in  new 
forms  in  the  new  relations  which  have  been 
established  by  the  judging  and  preserving  provi- 
dence of  God,  so  that  it  needs  ever  anew  a  holy 
reaction  against  it  on  the  part  of  the  Lord. 
Nevertheless,  of  course,  the  judging  and  pre- 
serving acts  of  the  Lord  are  not  in  vain.  The 
congregation  advances  through  them  forwards, 
if  not  to  a  pure,  yet  to  a  better  development,  and 
their  course,  even  if  it  is  never  that  of  a  con- 
queror who  has  entirely  overcome  his  hereditary 
enemy,  is  yet  that  of  a  victorious  warrior,  who 
at  least  beholds  the  complete  victory  and  its  noble 
prize  at  the  end  of  his  course.  Nevertheless,  the 
circumstance  that  among  the  princes  many  recog- 
nised the  wrong  as  such,  ami  sought  to  remove 
it  with  the  help  of  Ezra,  is  a  proof  that  the  Lord 
at  this  time  had  provided  a  number  of  a  bettor 
element,  who  already  not  only  constituted  a  start- 
ing-point for  His  reaction,  but  also  themselves 
began  to  react  out  of  their  own  midst. 

Vers.  5-15.  1.  Before  Ezra  did  anything  else  he 
expressed  his  sorrow  for  the  failure  of  the  con- 
gregation from  the  word  of  God,  and  indeed  par- 
ticularly by  a  penitential  prayer,  in  which  he 
included  himself  most  devoutly  within  the  con- 
gregation which  had  transgressed.  The  first 
thing  with  which  to  begin  a  true  reformation  will 
ever  be  (he  feeling  of  penitence,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  this  a  penitential  prayer,  which  issues 
from  the  deepest  conviction  that  we  are  involved 


in  the  sinfulness  of  the  congregation,  and  which 
has  to  share  in  the  fear  of  the  threatening  judg- 
ments, which,  however,  none  the  less  manifests 
the  sharpest  contrast  to  the  sin  in  question. 
Such  a  penitential  prayer,  especially  if  it  is  con- 
nected with  an  humble  recognition  of  the  justice 
of  the  judgment  that  is  feared,  already  has  also 
the  significance  of  a  prayer  fur  forgiveness,  help, 
and  preservation,  just  as  the  praise  of  the  Lord 
as  the  God  who  hears  prayer,  affords  redemption 
and  salvation,  at  the  beginning  of  those  very 
Psalms,  that  are  prayed  out  of  deep  need,  and 
run  out  into  a  petition  for  redemption  and  sal- 
vation, is  itself  already  a  mighty  petition,  which 
in  spite  of  every  necessity  joyfully  praising  God, 
is  able  without  doubt  to  most  powerfully  move 
His  paternal  heart. 

2.  Ezra's  prayer  very  suitably  unites  various 
things,  which  must  fill  us  with  holy  abhor- 
rence of  fresh  transgressions  after  redemption; 
he  reminds  us  at  first  of  the  fact  that  we  are 
deeply  involved  in  Bin  from  our  fathers,  we  might 
say,  already  by  nature,  and  thus  can  not  be  too 
much  on  our  guard  against  it,  and  at  the  same  time, 
that  it  is  our  sins  that  have  brought  about  the 
misery  in  which  we  all  more  or  less  live;  so  then 
that  God  has  given  us  grace  which  certainly  ap- 
pears exceedingly  great  over  against  our  sins  and 
unworthiness,  so  that  it  must  fill  us  with  thank- 
fulness and  urge  us  to  sanctification,  which, 
however,  over  against  the  necessities  of  earth,  is 
a  small  beginning  of  better  things,  easily  lost 
again;  furthermore,  that  the  sin,  that  we  might 
perchance  be  guilty  of,  is  against  God's  express 
command,  and  can  never  be  justified;  that  God's 
visitation  of  punishment,  if  we  are  not  warned 
by  His  punishment  or  by  His  grace  unto  holiness, 
must  necessarily  become  greater  and  more  se- 
rious. These  truths  will  have  a  preserving  and 
improving  power  for  the  congregation  of  all 
times. 

HOMILETICAL.  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1,  2.  We  have  the  duty  of  keeping  afar 
off  from  others.  1)  When?  If  we  can  exercise 
no  improving  influence,  but  have  to  fear  lest  we 
be  ruined  with  them.  2)  Why?  because  we  have 
to  preserve  great  blessings  for  ourselves  and 
others.  3)  How?  with  renunciation  of  temporal 
advantages,  especially  with  self-denial. — The  im- 
portance of  a  correct  choice  in  marriage:  1)  the 
injury  that  is  done  by  a  bad  choice;  it  is  not 
only  temporal,  but  eternal;  2)  the  gain  that  we 
have  in  a  good  choice.  —Starke:  Marriage  with 
an  unbelieving  woman  is  very  dangerous,  for  she 
can  convert  a  man  easier  than  the  man  can  con- 
vert her,  1  Kings  x.  4. — What  other  injuries  un- 
equal marriage  may  accomplish,  vid.  2  Chron. 
xviii.  1. — The  importance  of  true  family  life  for 
the  furtherance  of  church  life:  1)  Church  life  is 
a  matter  of  the  free  resolution,  which  must  be 
correctly  guided  by  proper  training;  2)  church 
life  is  conditioned  upon  learning  its  advantages, 
as  this  is  possible,  first  of  all,  only  in  the  bosom 
of  the  family. 

Vers.  5-15.  The  fundamental  principles  of 
true  reformatory  activity:  1)  True  simplicity  of 
heart, — we  must  not  allow  ourselves  to  be  led 
astray  by  the  temptations  that  are  often  involved 


CHAP.  X.  1-44. 


93 


with  sufficient  strength  in  the  relations  given  by 
God  Himself;  we  must  rather  gladly  and  without 
reserve  bow  to  the  divine  word;  2)  true  sor- 
row for  the  present  transgressions,  however  diffi- 
cult they  may  be  to  remove,  they  must  yet  be 
recoguized  seriously  in  their  true  character; 
8)  true  fear  of  the  divine  judgment — it  is  a 
bitter,  hut  indispensable  medicine  for  the  de- 
structive wanderings  from  duly.  —  BkINTIUs: 
Eiprimitur  affectus  pietatis,  qui  in  unoquoque  debet 
geri  erga  prozimum  sttum.  videlicet  quod  u/tus</"<s 
que  non  debet  aliter  aj/ici  erga  peccata  proximi  sui, 
quam  si  ipse  ea  perpetrasset.  Sic  affectus  erat 
Abraham,  erga  SodomiVis,  sic  Samuel  erga  Saul, 
sic  Daniel  erga  populum  Judaicuin.  Et  hie  affectum 
inultorum  bonorum  aulor  est,  videlicet  ne  traducamus 
prozimum  nostrum,  sed  oremus  pro  eo,  et  castigemns 
eum,  pro  officio  nostra. — Starke:  Pious  people 
laugh  not  at  the  sins  of  others,  but  are  sad  hi 
heart  ou  their  account,  Jer.  ix.;  Geu.  xviii.  23; 
2  Sam.  xv.  35;  2  Cor.  xi.  29.— How  inexcusable 
are  the  fresh  transgressions  of  those  who  have 
been  redeemed  from  the  misery  of  sin.  1)  Sin 
has  already  wrought  misery  enough.  2)  God  has 
shown  His  grace  in  delivering  from  it,  which  is 
exceedingly  great,  but  may  easily  be  lost  again. 
3)  He  has  let  us  know  His  will.  4)  His  visita- 
tion of  punishment  will  be  still  more  severe. — 
St  vrke:  The  strongest  walls  and  the  surest  fence 
about  a  city  and  village  is  God's  gracious  care, 
Ps.  iii.  4-7 ;  Prov.  xviii.  10. — By  the  wickedness 
of  the  inhabitants  is  a  land  denied ;  accordingly 
let  us  beware  of  sin  In  the  judgments  of  God 
we  have  to  recognize  Hia  moderation,  and  thank 
God  for  it. — The  true  penitential  prayer:  1) 
Recognition  of  sin  in  its  entire   greatness  and 


ruin:  2)  recognition  of  the  divine  grace;  3)  re- 
cognition of  the  cleanness  of  the  divine  will;  4j 
recognition  of  the  justice  of  the  judgment  to  be 
feared. — Intercession  of  pastors  tor  their  con- 
gregations: 1)  Out  of  love  in  spite  of  sin;  2)  in 
faith  in  God's  grace;  3)  in  hope  of  a  hearing. 
— Staiike:  Since  Ezra  in  his  prayer  sets  before 
him  the  entire  people,  he  includes  himself  among 
them  and  accepts  his  share  in  the  sins  of  the 
people,  conip.  Is.  lix.;  Dan.  ix.  5;  Neh.  i.  6. — 
Teachers  should  particularly  stand  in  the  gap 
and  seek  to  ward  off  the  punishment  of  God  by 
prayer.  We  often  know  not  far  the  sake  of  what 
believer's  pray  er  God  has  spared  a  people  and  cily. 
[Scott:  Silent  grief  and  astonishment  some- 
times form  the  most  expressive  protestation 
against  enormous  crimes;  and  when  men  speak 
on  such  occasions  it  may  be  more  effectual  to  ad- 
dress themselves  to  God  than  to  the  offender. — 
Henry:  A  practical  disbelief  of  God's  all-suffi- 
ciency is  at  the  bottom  of  all  the  sorry  shifts  we 
make  to  help  ourselves. — The  scandalous  sins  of 
professors  are  what,  we  have  reason  to  be  aston- 
ished at. —  \n  eye  to  God  as  our  God  will  be  of 
great  use  to  us  in  the  exercise  of  repentance. — 
There  is  not  a  surer  or  sadder  presage  of  ruin 
to  any  people  than  revolting  to  sin,  to  the  same 
sins  again  after  great  judgments  and  great  deli- 
verances.— Wordsworth:  Observe,  this  confes- 
sion and  prayer  of  Ezra,  the  priest  and  scribe, 
the  friend  of  the  king  of  Persia,  was  in  a  public 
place,  at  a  time  of  public  resort  to  the  temple. 
He  was  not  ashamed  of  repentance  and  self-hu- 
miliation, and  he  showed  publicly  that  his  trust 
was  in  God's  help,  vouchsafed  to  fervent  prayer 
at  the  door  of  God's  house. — Tr.] 


B.— THE   REMOVAL  OF   THE    ERROR,    AND   THE    LIST   OF   THOSE    WHO   PURIFIED 

THEMSELVES  FROM  IT. 

Chap.  X.  1-44. 

I.    The  effect  that  Ezra?  s  prager  had  upon  Shechaniah,  then  upon  the  princes  of  the  congregation. 

Vers.  1-8. 

1  Now  when  Ezra  had  prayed,  and  when  he  had  confessed,  weeping;  and  casting 
himself  down  before  the  house  of  God.  there  assembled  unto  him  out  of  Israel  a  very 
great  congregation  of  men  and  women  and  children:  for  the  people  wept  very  sore. 

2  And  Shechaniah  the  son  of  Jehiel,  one  of  the  sons  of  Elam.  answered  and  said  unto 
Ezra,  We  have  trespassed  against  our  God,  and  have  taken  strange  wives  of  the 

3  people  of  the  land :  yet  low  there  is  hope  in  Israel  concerning  this  thing.  Now 
therefore  let  us  make  a  covenant  with  our  God  to  put  away  all  the  wives,  and  such 
as  are  born  of  them,  according  to  the  counsel  of  my  lord,  and  of  those  that  tremble 

4  at  the  commandment  of  our  God;  and  let  it  be  done  according  to  the  law.  Arise; 
for  this  matter  belongeth  unto  thee :  we  also  will  be  with  thee :  be  of  good  courage, 

5  and  do  it.     Then  arose  Ezra,  and  made  the  chief  priests,  the  Levites,  and  all  Israel, 

6  to  swear  that  they  should  do  according  to  this  word.  And  they  sware.  Then 
Ezra  rose  up  from  before  the  house  of  God,  and  went  into  the  chamber  of  Johanan 


94  THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


the  son  of  Eliashib:  and  when  he  came  thither,  he  did  eat  no  bread,  nor  drink  water  : 
for  he  mourned  because  of  the  transgression  of  them  thai  had  been  carried  away. 

7  And  they  made  proclamation  throughout  Judah  and  Jerusalem  unto  all  the  chil- 
dren of  the  captivity,  that  they  should  gather  themselves  together  unto  Jerusalem  ; 

8  And  that  whosoever  would  not  come  within  three  days,  according  to  the  counsel  of 
the  princes  and  the  elders,  all  his  substance  should  bi  forfeited,  and  himself  sepa- 
rated from  the  congregation  of  those  that  had  been  carried  away. 

II.  The  Success  of  Ezra  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Congregation.      Vers.  9-17. 

9  Then  all  the  men  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  gathered  themselves  together  unto  Jeru- 
salem within  three  days.  It  was  the  ninth  month,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the 
month ;  and  all  the  people  sat  in  the  street  of  the  house  of  God,  trembling  because 

10  of  this  matter,  and  for  the  great  rain.  And  Ezra  the  priest  stood  up,  and  said  unto 
them,  Ye  have  transgressed,  and  have  taken  strange  wives,  to  increase  the  trespass 

11  of  Israel.  Now  therefore  make  confession  unto  the  Lord  God  of  your  fathers,  and 
do  his  pleasure:  aud  separate  yourselves  from  the  people  of  the  land,  and  from  the 

12  strange  wives.     Then  all  the  congregation  answered  and  said  with  a  loud  voice,  As 

13  thou  hast  said,  so  must  we  do.  But  the  people  are  many,  and  it  is  a  time  of  much 
rain,  and  we  are  not  able  to  stand  without,  neither  is  this  a  work  of  <me  day  or  two : 

14  for  we  are  many  that  have  transgressed  in  this  thing.  Let  now  our  rulers  of  all  the 
congregation  stand,  and  let  all  them  which  have  taken  strange  wives  in  our  cities 
come  at  appointed  times,  and  with  them  the  elders  of  every  city,  and  the  judges 

15  thereof,  until  the  fierce  wrath  of  our  God  for  this  matter  be  turned  from  us.  Only 
Jonathan  the  son  of  Asahel  and  Jahaziah  the  son  of  Tikvah  were  employed  about 

16  this  matter;  and  Meshullam  and  Shabbethai  the  Levite  helped  them.  And  the  chil- 
dren of  the  captivity  did  so.  And  Ezra  the  priest,  with  certain  chief  of  the  fathers, 
after  the  bouse  of  their  fathers,  and  all  of  them  by  their  names,  were  separated,  and 

17  sat  down  in  the  first  day  of  the  tenth  month  to  examine  the  matter.  And  they 
made  an  end  with  all  the  men  that  had  taken  strange  wives  by  the  first  day  of  the 
first  month. 

III.  List  of  those  who  Separated  Themselves  from  their  Wives.     Vers.  18-44. 

18  And  among  the  sons  of  the  priests  there  were  found  that  had  taken  strange  wives  : 
namely,  of  the  sons  of  Jeshua  the  son  of  Jozadak,  and  his  brethren:  Maaseiah,  and 

19  Eliezer,  and  Jarib,  and  Gedaliah.  And  they  gave  their  hands  that  they  would  put 
away  their  wives;  and  being  guilty,  they  offered  a  ram  of  the  flock  for  their  trespass 

20,  21  And  of  the  sons  of  Immer;  Hauani,  aud  Zebadiah.     And  of  the  sons  of  Ha- 

22  rim;  Maaseiah,  and  Elijah,  and  Shemaiah,  aud  Jehiel,  aud  Uzziah.  And  of  the 
sons  of  Pashur;  Elioenai,  Maaseiah,  Ishmael,  Nethaneel,  Jozabad,  and   Elasah. 

23  Also  of  the  Levites;  Jozabad,  and  Shirnei,  and    Kelaiih.  (the  same  is  Kelita,) 

24  Pethahiah,  Judah,  and  Eliezer.     Of  the  singers  also;  E  iashib:  and  of  th"  porters; 

25  Shallum.aud  Telem.and  Uri.  Moreover  of  Israel:  of  the  sons  of  Parosh;  Ramiah, 
and  Jeziah,  and  Malchiah,  and  Miaojin,  and  Eleazar,  and  Malchijah,  and  Benaiah. 

26  And  of  the  sons  of  Elara;  Mattaniah,  Zechariah,  and  Jehiel,  and  Abdi,  and  Jere- 

27  moth,  and  Eliah.     And  of  the  sons  of  Zittu;  Elioenai.  Eliashib,  Mattaniah.  and 

28  Jerernoth,  aud  Zabad,  and  Aziza.     Of  the  sons  also  of  Bebai ;  Jehohanan,  Hana- 

29  niah,  Zabbai,  and  Athlai.  And  of  the  sons  of  Bani ;  Meshullam,  Malluch,  and 
SJO  Adaiah,  Jashub,  and  Sheal,  and  Ramoth.     And  of  the  sons  of  Pahath-moah;  Adna, 

and  Chelal,  Benaiah,  Maaseiah.  Mattaniah,  Bezaleel,  and  Binnui,  and  Manasseh. 
31,  32  And  of  the  sous  of  Harim ;  Eliezer,  Ishijah,  Malchiah,  Shemaiah,  Shimeon,  Ben- 

33  i  unin,  Malluch,  and  Shemariah.     Of  the  sons  of  Hashum  ;  Mattenai,  Mattathab, 

34  Zibad.  Eliphelet.  Jeremai,  Manasseh,  and  Shimei.  Of  the  S'ids  of  Bani ;  Maa-'ai, 
35,  36  Amram,  and  TJel,  Benaiah,  Bedeiah,  Ohelluh,  Vaniah,  Meremoth,  Eliashib, 
37,  38,  39  Mattaniah,  Mattenai.  and  Jaasau,  And  Bani,  and  Binnui,  Shimei,  And 
40,  41  Slielemiah,  and  Nathan,  and  Adaiah,  Machnadebai,  Shashai,  Sharai,  Azareel, 
42,  43  and  Shelemiah,  Shemariah,  Shallum,  Amariah,  and  Joseph.  Of  the  sons  of 
44  Nebo;  Jeiel,  Mattithiah,  Zabad,  Zebina.  Jadau,  and  Joel,  B  >naiah.     All  these  had 

taken  strange  wives:  and  some  of  them  had  wives  by  whom  they  had  children. 


CHAP.  X.   1-44. 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1—8.  This  chapter  from  beginning  to  end 
treats  of  the  great  results  attending  the  peniteu- 
tial  prayer  of  Ezra  in  the  congregation. 

Ver.  1.  Now  when  Ezra  had  prayed,  etc. 
— Ezra's  prayer  is  properly  designated  as  a  con- 
fessing, nninn,  comp.  notes  on  ix.  16.  /3jnp 
means :  prostrating  one's  self,  lying  on  the  knees, 
comp.  Ix.  1. — Before  the  house  of  God, — else- 
where also  "before  the  face  of  God,"  in  the 
court  of  the  temple.  That  a  great  crowd  ga- 
thered together  unto  him  had  its  reason  in  the 
fact  that  the  people  wept  very  much,  that  is,  for 
sorrow  over  the  evil  circumstances  into  which  so 
many  had  plunged  themselves,  and  especially  were 
deeply  moved  with  him  also  in  view  of  the  sins  by 
which  they  had  done  it,  and  accordingly  also  de- 
sired assistance.  i"D3,  which  form  only  occurs 
here,  depends  upon  its  verb,  although  it  is  sepa- 
rated from  it  by  the  adverb  !"l3"in  in  the  man- 
ner of  an  infin.  abs. 

Ver.  2.    And    Shechaniah answered, 

etc. — That  Ezra  himself  did  not  step  forth  with  a 
definite  demand,  that  he  waited  until  one  of  the 
congregation  should  make  a  proposition,  did  not 
have  its  reason  in  the  fact  that  his  position  did 
not  entitle  him  to  make  such  a  demand,  but  in 
the  circumstance  that  the  reformation  could  only 
be  of  worth  and  thoroughly  carried  out  when  it 
came  forth  from  the  congregation  itself.  She- 
chaniah here,  the  son  of  Jehiel,  is  to  be  distin- 
guished from  Shechaniah,  the  son  of  Jahaziel,  in 
chap.  viii.  .3.  And  Jehiel,  his  father,  is  probably 
not  identical  with  the  one  mentioned  in  ver.  26. 
Were  it  so,  Shechaniah  would  not  have  scrupled 
to  make  a  proposition  by  which  his  own  father 
would  be  compelled  to  dismiss  his  wife.  The 
sons  of  Elam,  to  whom  he  belonged,  occur  in  ii. 
7;  viii.  7,  and  again  in  ver.  26.  He  was,  and 
this  is  significant,  no  priest,  nor  prince,  but  one 
of  the  congregation,  so  that  in  and  with  him  the 
congregation  itself  promptly  arose  to  vindicate 
the  law.  3'tyiD,  cause  to  dwell,  is  in  our  chap- 
ter (comp.  vers.  10,  14,  17,  18),  and  so  also  in 
Neh.  xiii.  23,  27,  used  for  the  taking  home  of 
wives.  Shechaniah  confesses:  We  have  acted 
unfaithfully  towards  the  Lord  in  taking  home 
foreign  women  (comp.  ver.  10  and  Neh.  xiii.  27), 
in  order  to  justify  Ezra  for  his  strong  condemna- 
tion of  this  intermarriage.     At  the  same  time  he 

retains  hope,  nXT~7£  =  at  this  transgression 
(comp.  ix.  15),  or  rather  in  spite  of  it.  !$_  in 
itself  sensu  medio,  may  readily  have  the  meaning 
of  "in  spite  of,"  comp.  Is  liii.  9;  Job  xvi.  17. 
nipD  is  here  =  iTipR  Shechaniah  is  of  the 
opinion  that  a  removal  of  the  evil  is  still  possi- 
ble, and  perhaps  he  already  recognized  also  the 
fact  that  the  resolution  to  carry  out  this  difficult 
thing  might  give  the  impulse  to  a  general  refor- 
mation. 

Ver.  3.  Now  therefore  let  us  make  a  co- 
venant with  our  God — that  is,  we  will  obli- 
gate ourselves  by  a  solemn  covenant  a  id  a  sworn 
vow  to  God  (comp.  2  Chron.  xxix.  10)  to  put 
away. — N'iOn  is  here  the  opposite  of  3'^liT — 


all  the  wives — namely,  as  a  matter  of  cour-\ 
all  foreign  ones — and  such  as  are  born  of 
them — ilso  to  send  away  the  children.  This 
resolution  might  almost  seem  to  be  unnecessarily 
severe,  yet  it  is  a  matter  of  question  whether  it 
would  not  have  been  harder  still  to  separate  the 
mothers  from  their  children.  The  little  ones 
still  needed  their  mothers,  aud  the  larger  ones 
might  easily  be  a  Bupport  for  their  mothers. 
Moreover,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  children, 
if  they  were  retained,  would  constitute  a  bond 
between  the  men  and  their  banished  wives  that 
would  soon  again  reassert  its  power  and  render 
possible  the  return  of  the  wives  We  are  by  no 
means  to  conclude  from  vers.  11—19  that  they 
contented  themselves  with  reference  to  this  pro- 
position, with  the  removal  of  their  wives.  Comp. 
against  this  view  ver.  44  and  Neh.  xiii.  23  sq. 
Moreover,  however,  that  which  Shechaniah  here 
in  his  zeal  bo  comprehensively  proposes  might 
yet  not  be  so  recognized  and  required,  wiih- 
out  exception.  There  was  no  sufficient  ground 
for  removing  sons  who  were  willing  to  live  in 
accordance  with  the  law,  and  who  were  not  ne- 
cessarily to  be  cast  out  on  account  of  the  mother. 
— According  to  the  counsel  of  the  Lord 
and  of  those  that  tremble  at  the  command- 
ment of  our  Lord. — That  the  Lor  !  and  those 
who  tremble  at  His  command  should  be  brought 
together  in  this  way  is  almost  remarkable.  The 
Sept.  and  Esdras,  and  afli-r  them  also  De  Wette 
and  Bertheau,  read  accordingly  "J^X,  my  Lord, 
which  would  be  Ezra  [so  A.V.  and  R:\wlinson.]* 
But  Ezra  had  not  yet  given  any  counsel  at  all, 
and  besides,  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  Siie- 
chaniah  should  here  speak  to  him  in  such  a  re- 
verent tone,  and  then  in  the  verses  immediately 
following  so  familiarly  and  oheeringly.  Already 
the  Vulgate  has  juxta  vnluntatem  domini,  and  ac- 
cording to  De  Rossi,  quite  a  numher  of  MSS. 
read  even  TVUV.     The  connection  of  the  two  ex- 

T 

pressions,  which  is  in  itself  somewhat  remarka- 
ble, would  probably  say:  according  to  the  coun- 
sel of  the  Lord,  as  it  is  understood  and  vindicated 
by  those  who  tremble  at  II i s  commandments. 
Entirely  parallel  is  Acts  xv.  28:  -'for  it  seemed 
good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us."  The  nXJj/ 
of  the  Lord  is  often  elsewhere  His  decree  (comp. 
Is.  v.  19;  xix.  17;  Ps.  cvi.  13);  here,  however, 
according  to  the  context,  the  counsel,  which  lie 
gives,  as  Ps.cvii.  11  ;  Prov.  i.  25;  2  Kings  xvii. 
13.  Thus  mildly  Shechaniah  expresses  himself, 
however,  because  a  specific  command  to  dismiss 
the  wives,  and  likewise  also  their  children,  was 
not  found  in  the  law,  and  moreover  also  partly 
because  the  law,  in  bo  far  as  it  yet  gave  an  im- 
pulse thereto,  had  a  counselling,  that  is,  a  pre- 
cautionary significance  with  the  good  of  the  con- 
gregation in  view.  The  clause  Hu >".  «"l^irO  is 
not  to  be  taken  in  an  optative  sense  [A.V.] — 
which  would  be  weak — but  as  a  promise:  it  pliall 
happen  according  >o  the  law.  The  fourth  verse, 
moreover,  passes  over  from  the  tone  of  comfut  c 


*  [Rawlinson  in  toco:    "This  expression   shmv^   i'i  ■ 

position  which  Ezra  occupied  as  the  commissioner 

of  the  Persian  king.    His-  ooun    ■!  does  not  appearto 

have  been  expressly  given  tint  nii.M  be  gathered  from 

the  general  tone  of  his  prayer." — i'a.j 


y« 


THhi  1100k  OF  EZRA. 


to  that  of  promise. — Arise,  for  upon  thee  is 
the  matter. — This  can  only  mean :  upon  ihee 
the  matter  lias  to  depend  ;  tliou  must  carry  it  out 
according  to  iby  judgment  and  conviction. — 
And  we  with  thee. — This  means  in  accord- 
ance with  the  foregoing.  And  we  will  be  with 
thee,  will  help  thee. 

Vers.  6-8.  Now  Ezra  made  use  of  the  favorable 
sentiment :  he  made  the  princes,  etc.,  to  swear 
to  do  run  T313,  that  is,  to  carry  out  the  pro- 

TT-'  '  "  , 

position  of  Shechaniah,  then  however  continued 
his  sorrow,  and  thereby  deepened  the  zeal  that 
had  been  excited,  until  he  saw  the  beginning  of 
the  execution  of  the  reform. — Ezra  arose  from 
before  the  house  of  God,  that  is,  he  left  the 
place  in  the  court,  where  he  had  prayed,  and 
went  into  the  chamber  of  Johauan.  the 
son  of  Eliashib,  in  order  to  fast  and  mourn 
there.  This  cell  was  certainly  in  the  wing  that 
the  new  temple  had  gained,  and  which  Bervcd 
for  the  preservation  of  the  garments  of  the 
priests  and  other  articles,  but  likewise  for  the 
provisional  abode  of  the  priests  and  Levites;  ac- 
cording to  Neb.  xiii.  4-9  the  high-priest  Elia- 
shib had  erected  a  cell  for  the  use  of  the  Ammo- 
nite Tobia,  as  his  relative,  which  he  used  in  his 
frequent  visits  to  Jerusalem.  The  names  of 
Johanan  and  Eliashib  frequently  occur  (comp. 
vers.  24,  27,  36),  one  of  (he  twenty-four  classes 
of  priests  had  its  name  from  a  more  ancient  Eli- 
ashib, 1  Chron.  xxiv.  12.  But  that,  an  apartment 
or  cell  of  the  temple  should  be  named  after  a 
subordinate  man  of  the  name  of  Johanan,  as 
Ewald  supposes  (Gesch.  IV.,  S.  263),  is  impos- 
sible. It  is  very  likely  that  we  are  to  think  of 
the  later  high-priest  Johanan,  and  indeed  the 
more  so  that  he  was  not,  it  is  true,  as  the  one 
under  consideration,  a  son,  but  a  grandson  of 
Eliashib.  The  order  of  high-priests  from  the 
time  of  Zerubbabel  was  as  follows:  Jeshua,  Joi- 
akim,  Eliashib,  Joiada,  Johanan,  Jaddua,  comp. 
Neh.  xii.  10  sq.,  where  it  is  true  Jonathan  stands 
in  place  of  Jaddua;  where  however,  according 
to  Neh.  xii.  22,  23,  Johanan  is  meant.  In  the 
time  of  Ezra,  Joiakim  or  Eliashib  was  high-priest. 
We  must  probably  suppose  that  the  author  used 
a  later  designation  for  the  previous  times  as  one 
more  intelligible  to  his  readers.  The  apart- 
ment might  have  been  present  already  in  the 
time  of  Ezra,  which  subsequently,  perhaps  in 
consequence  of  a  re-building,  was  named  after 

the  high-priest  Johanan.  The  second  :fT1  is  a 
needless  repetition,  and  cannot  bo  at  all  com- 
pared with  the  twice-repeate  1  Up'\  in  verses  6 
and  6,  which  at  any  rate  each  time  receives  a 
special  definileness  by  an  additional  clause, 
(against  Keil).*  WV  is  beside",  at  any  rate  very 
seldom  used  in  the  sense  of  "thither,"  as  it  must 
be  taken  to  be  in  connection  with  }Vl  The  sup- 
position of  Cler.  and  Berth,  that  we  are  to  read 
instead  of  it  P",  and  he  passed  the  night  or  re- 
mained there,  commends  itself  very  much  to  our 
judgment.  Already  Esdras  ix.  1  lias:  mi  at- 
'AwtteXc  knit,  the  Syriac  :   and  he  sat  or  remained 

*  |  It  may  he  as  in  the  A.  V..  the  protasis  of  a  temporal 
clause,  as  "  When  he  came  thither." — Ta.] 


there;  the  Sept.  however:  nai  £Topci>i9i?  hh  — 
Eat  no  bread  nor  drink  water  is  to  last. 
Comp.  Ex.  xxxiv.  28  ;  Deut.  ix.  9. 

Ver.  7.  Thus  they,  namely,  the  princes  and 
elders,  who  according  to  ver.  8  took  the  matter 

in  hand — made  proclamation. — 71p  "TJJM  as 
i.  1, — and  indeed  probably  whilst  Ezra  was  still 
fasting  and  mourning,  thus  immediately  after 
Ezra's  penitential  prayer  and  Shechaniah's  pro- 
position— that  all  the  members  of  the  congrega- 
tion should  assemble  unto  Jerusalem 

Ver.  8.  According  to  the  counsel  or  re- 
solution of  the  princes  and  the  elders,  etc. — 
n^J73  belongs  to  the  following  clause— the  ban 
should  fall  upon  every  one's  substance  who 
should  not  come  in  after  three  days*  to  Jerusa- 
lem, his  possessions  were  to  be  forfeited  for  the 
benefit  of  the  templef  (Lev.  xxvii.  28  and  Neh. 
xii.  28),  and  he  himself  however  should  be  at  once 
cast  forth  from  the  congregation. 

Vers.  9-17.  The  assembling  took  place  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  the  ninth  month,  namely,  in  the 
same  year  which  Ezra  had  arrived  in  Jerusalem, 
(comp.  chap.  ix.  1),  and  indeed  in  the  square 
(3im)  of  the  house  of  God,  probably  on  the 
east  or  south  east  side  of  the  temple  court,  yet 
not  before  the  water  gate.  Comp.  notes  on  Neh. 
viii.  1.  If  already  the  affairs  themselves,  which 
naturally  had  not  remained  concealed  from  them, 
were  calculated  to  excite  them  to  the  utmost,  and 
depress  them,  the  stormy  weather  that  had  set 
in  made  their  situation  utterly  miserable.  In 
December  it  is  not  only  cold,  but  the  rain  is  ac- 
customed to  fall  in  torrents.  Comp.  Robinson's 
Phy.  Geog.,  p.  287. 

Vers.  10,  11.  When  Ezra  now  held  up  before 
them  their  error  and  called  upon  them  to  give 
praise  unto  the  Lord,  that  is,  honor  Him  indeed 
by  the  separation  from  the  people  of  the  land, 
above  all  from  the  foreign  wives — illifl  [HJ  as 
Josh.  vii.  19  —  then  the  entire  assembly  (ver. 
12)  announced  with  a  loud  voice,  accordingly 

unreservedly  resolved — THi  np  (the  same  as 
Vl-U  VlpS  iii.  12)  is  a  closer  designation,  which 
is  oo-ordinated  to  the  subject  or  the  so-called 
ace.  instrum.,  Gesen.,  S.  138,  Amu.  3,  comp.  Ps. 
iii.  5,  etc. —  according  as  thy  words  to  us 
we  must  do. — Already  the  Vulgate  iu  accord- 
ance with  the  accents,  connects  T7j;  with  the 
foregoing  (juxta  iuum  verbum  ad  nos,  sic  fiat) ;  we 
may  however  in  accordance  with  ver.  4,  Neh. 
xiii.  13;  2  Sam.  xviii.  11,  likewise  connect 
JJ'Sy  with  what  follows,  so  that  the  sense  is: 
thuB  we  are  in  duty  bound  to  do. 

Vers.  13,  14.  However,  it  could  not  be  estab- 
lished in  this  way,  namely,  by  a  general  decla- 
ration, whether  many  of  the  guilty  would  not  be 


*[Rawlinson  in  loco. '"The  brevity  of  this  term  indi- 
cates the  narrowness  of  the  area  over  which  the  re- 
turned Israelites  were  spread." — Tr.] 

■HRawlinson  in  loco:  "The  Persians  allowed  gene- 
rally to  the  conquered  nations  that  they  should  be  go- 
verned by  their  own  laws.  In  the  present  case  Ezra  had 
had  special  permission  to  appoint  magistrates  and 
judges  who  should  judge  the  people  according  to  the 
law  of  his  God  (vii.  26)  and  could  enforce  his  views  of  the 
law  not  only  by  confiscation  of  goods,  but  even  by  death 
(vii.  26)."— Tb.] 


CII  kP.  X.  1-44. 


97 


dissatisfied  with  the  step  concluded  upon,  and 
seek  to  withdraw  from  their  obligation.  If  the  se- 
paration was  to  be  carried  out  energetically  and 
Burely,  it  must  be  established  in  detail  who  were 
united  in  marriage  with  strange  women,  and  it 
was  necessary  that  the  elders  or  princes  in  ques- 
tion should  undertake  to  take  care  that  the  reso- 
lution of  the  congregation  should  everywhere 
have  its  proper  consequences.  Thus  il  was  ne- 
cossary  that  there  should  be  confirmations  and 
explanations  that  demanded  a  long  time.  Those 
who    had    spoken    accordingly   continue: — But 

the  people  are  many.— 73X  is  an  adversative 
particle  of  limitation.  Their  meaning  is  that  on 
account  of  the  large  number  of  the  assembly,  it  is 
not  certain  whether  they  all  were  really  agreed. — 
And  the  time  is  violent  rain. — This  is  briefly 
for:  the  time  is  that  of  the  violent  rain,  just  as 
'•thine  eyes  are  doves"  Song  of  Songs,  iv.  1. — 
And  there  is  no  strength  to  stand  -with 
out  =  we  cannot  longer  stand  in  the  cold. — 
And  the  business  is  not  for  one  day  and 
not  for  two,  etc. — There  are  so  many  cases  that 
must  be  established  and  examined  into. 

Ver.  14.  Let  now  our  princes  stand  for 
the  entire  congregation,  etc. —  7npn~737 
serves  not  as  a  closer  designation  of  the  princes 
as  such  who  belonged  to  the  entire  congregation 
in  distinction  from  the  elders  and  judges  of  the 
separate  cities  (Berth.),  as  it  has  already  been 
taken  by  the  Sept.,  cri/Tuoav  o>)  apxovrtc  quijv, 
and  Esdras  :   orr/ruaav  d£  bi  irponydv/J-evot  tov  ~7Ji- 

■dovc.  The  7  is  rather  a  designation  of  the  dat. 
commodi,  and  here  is  equivalent  to  "  in  place  of." 
The  sense  is,  let  the  princes  remain  in  Jerusa- 
lem and  advise  with  Ezra;  especially  however 
name  to  him  the  members  of  the  congregation  in 
question. — And  let  everyone  in  our  cities 
who  has  taken  home  strsnge  -wives,  come 
at  fixed  times,  and  with  them  (for,  with 
bin)  the  elders  of  every  city,  and  the 
judges  thereof. — The  princes  are  to  fix  the 
times  for  the  guilty  ones  named  by  them  to  Ezra, 
when  they  have  to  appear  with  their  elders  and 
judges;  the  guilty  are  then  to  promise  to  dis- 
miss the  wives;  the  elders  and  judges  however 
are  intrusted  with  the  duty  of  watching  over  the 
performance  of  their  vows.  Since  the  various 
local  congregations  might  be  called  at  different 
times,  it  was  possible  in  this  way  to  dispose  of 
them  in  Jerusalem  in  a  much  shorter  period.  The 
article  before  3'C/in  again  represents  the  rela- 
tive as  in  ver.  17;  viii.  25.  D'JOtO  DT1>'  are 
appointed  terms,  only  here  and  Neh.  x.  35  ;  xiii. 
31.  |8J  is  a  Chaldaism.—  Until  they  turn 
away  the  fierce  wrath  of  our  God  from  us 
with  reference  to  this  matter. — 1JJ  in  the 
sense  of  "until,"  gives  no  difficulty.  For  it 
might  be  expected  of  a  God  who  is  ever  so  gra- 
cious, that  with  the  cause  of  the  wrath  the  wrath 
itself  also  would  cease.     The  supposition  of  Ber- 

theau,  that  T£  with  the  following  7  in  the  later 

language  is  used  for  the  simple  7,  thus  stating 
the  purpose,  cannot  be  proved  from  Jos.  xiii.  5  : 
1  Chron.  v.  9;  xiii.  5,  compared  with  Num.  xiii. 


21.  Also  in  the  clause  iW]  "DfS  l;'  after  wrath, 
TJJ  retains  its  meaning;  the  sense  is:  which 
reaches  even  to  this  matter.*  Certainly,  how- 
ever, the  simple  ilin  "017  would  have  sufficed 
here  (comp.  Gen.  xix.  21  ;  1  Sam.  xxx.  21; 
Dan.  i.  14),  just  as  p^TP07  "!J£,  2  Chron.  xxvi. 
15;  Ezra  iii.  13,  and  p'lFPnS,  2  Sam.  vii.  10 
amount  to  the  same  thing.  With  the  first  words 
of  the  verse,  '•  let  our  princes  stand,"  this  clause 
cannot  be  connected  in  the  sense  of  "  so  long  as 
this  matter  lasts,  (Keil) ;  against  this  is  not  only 
the  fact  that  it  would  be  somewhat  superfluous, 
but  also  that  a  new  clause:  And  let  every  one — 
come — has  come  in  between. 

Vers.  15-17.  Only  Jonathan,  etc. — If  we 
follow  the  clear  usage  of  the  language  we  must 
regard  this  as  in  apposition.  ^]X  properly 
"  only  "  (then  often  it  is  true  "  in  truth  ")  easily 
leads  to  an  adversative  limitation,  and  /£  "V3p 
means  1  Chron.  xxi.  1  ;  2  Chron.  xx.  23;  Dan. 
viii.   25;   xi.    14:   stand   against   any  person  or 

thing,  as  sometimes  also  7JJ  Dip.  Accordingly 
Jonathan  and  Jahaziah  withstood  the  adopted 
resolution,  whether  they  merely  had  some  ob- 
jection to  the  proposed  method  of  dealing  with 
the  matter,  or  were  also  opposed  to  the  banish- 
ment of  strange  wives  itself.  Only  the  circum- 
s'auce  that  verse  16  is  joined  on,  without  an 
adversative  particle,  although  it  treats  of  the  obe- 
dience of  the  congregation,  seems  to  favor  the 
view  that  here  also  an  agreement  is  meant,  as 
then  already  the  Vulgate  has:  steterunt  super  hoc 
prse/ecti  sunt  huic  negotio.  But  in  truth,  accord- 
ing to  our  conception,  ver.  16  is  not  in  contrast 
with  ver.  15.  All  depends  upon  the  emphasis 
placed  upon  ■'  only  "  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  15. 
Not  notwithstanding  that,  but  because  only  Jona- 
than, etc.,  withstood,  the  congregation  did,  as  a 
whole,  as  had  been  proposed.  The  present  read- 
ing in  ver.  16  l7l3|1  Ezra,  the  priest,  men  as 
hends  of  fathers'  houses  were  separated,  is  not 
only  opposed  by  the  fact  that  we  Bhould  expect 
with  the  Sept.  and  Vulg.  the  copula  before  D'^Wi 
since  an  asyndeton  wo  ild  here  be  very  remark- 
able, but  likewise  by  the  fact  that  a  separation 
of  Ezra  could  hardly  be  spoken  of,  for  he  was 
already  sufficiently  set  apart  by  his  entire  posi- 
tion. We  may  therefore  with  Ewald,  Gesch.  IV., 
S.  185  and  Berth.,  in  accordance  with  Esdras  and 

the  Peschito  read  iS  YJ3^\ — And  Ezra  sepa- 
rated for  himself,  or  at  any  rate  also  1 7"13'1 
fOIJ'S — there  were  separated  unto  Ezra.  [So 
Rawlinson].— After  the  fathers'  house  =so 
that  every  father's  house  was  represented  by  its 
head. -And  they  all  with  names,  as  viii.  20.- 
And  they  held  a  session — so  '2!^''  here — on 
the  first  day  of  the  tenth  month,  thus  ten 
days  after  the  general  assembly   of  the  people, 

*  [Rawlinson  after  Dathe  and  Maurer  follows  two  MS3. 
which  read  ntH   12171    Sj;.— Ta.] 


1/8 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


to  investigate  the  matter. — Instead  of  EfVTT 
which  is  not  a  Hebrew  formation,  we  are  to  read 
the  infin.  BfrVJ. 

Ver.  I7.  And  they  made  an  end  ■with  all, 
etc.,  U'piH  (men   who   had   taken   home  strange 

wives)  can  hardly  be  in  apposition  with  733  as 
the  more  ancient  interpreters  would  have  it;  the 
expression  would  be  too  peculiar  ;  moreover  the 
accentuation  is  against  it.     No  more  can   D'C/JX 

be  the  object  of  IvJ"1!  and  733  be  a  designation 
of  place;  I  hey  brought  to  an  end  the  men  (the 
hearing  of  them)  in  everyplace  (Berth.);  D'!73X 
in  this  case  would  certainly  require  the  article. 
The  same  objection  is  to  be  made  to  the  ren- 
dering of  Keil,  "with  reference  to  the  men," 
which  in  itself  moreover  already  misses  the 
sense  The  suspicion  that  the  clause  was  a 
title  of  the  following  section  in  ver.  18,  and 
only  by  mistake  was  placed  here  is  quite  na- 
tural, but  it  is  not  confirmed  by  any  ancient 
version.  Thus  we  must  regard  the  entire  clause 
as  a  brief,  loosely  attached,   closer   designation 

of  73,  and  understand:  they  were  ready  with 
the  entire  object  incumbent  upon  them,  that 
however  was  men  who,  etc. — [Riwlinson  in  loco: 
"In  some  cases,  it  may  be  presumed,  they  had 
to  summon  persons  before  them  who  did  not 
wish  to  part  with  their  foreign  wives;  in  all 
they  had  to  assure  themselves  that  the  wives 
were  foreign;  finally  they  had  in  every  case 
where  they  decreed  a  divorce  to  make  out  the 
'writing  of  divorcement,'  to  which  the  woman 
put  away  was  entitled  as  evidence  of  her  having 

been  a  wife  and  having  become  free." — Tr.1 

By  the  first  day  of  the  first  month,  namely, 
of  the  following  year  The  session  thus  lasted 
in  all  very  nearly  three  months. 

Vers.  18-44.  Catalogue  of  the  men,  who  had 
strange  wives,  and  were  obliged  to  dismiss  them. 
First  of  all  are  the  priests  in  vers.  18-22,  and 
indeed  in  vers.  18  and  19  four  of  the  house  of 
the  high-priest.— Of  the  sons  of  Jeshua,  etc. 
This  evidently  means  the  high-priest  Jeshua, 
who  had  come  to  Jerusalem  with  Zcrubbabel. 
The  sons  of  his  brother  were  probably  only  his 
distant  relatives;  according  to  ii.  36,  they  were, 
if  Jeshua  there  is  the  high-priest  Jeshua,  sons  of 
Jedaiah,  thus  brother  in  a  broader  sense. 

Ver.  10.  They  gave  their  hands,  that  is, 
they  vowed  in  a  solemn  manner  by  striking 
hands  (comp.  2  Kings  x.  15)  to  dismiss  their 
wives.  D'pU/Xl  might  follow  as  epexegesis  = 
and  indeed  as  guilty.  But  it  is  more  simple  to 
supply:  and  they  were  guilty,  that  is,  as  they 
stood  there  guilty.  The  more  general  law  of 
Lev.  v.  14  sq.  comes  into  consideration.  They 
must  bring  a   guilt-offering,   because   they   had 

committed  a  7.JJO  against  Jehovah,  for  which  a 
satisfaction  was  possible,  and  hence  must  like- 
wise be  given;  comp.  the  different  opinions 
respecting  ihe  guilt-offering  in  Keil's  Archiiol.  I. 

S.  244.  |NY~7'£  is  subordinated  as  an  accusa- 
tive of  closer  definition  to  the  previous  word. 
In  connexion  with  the  folluwiug  persons  we  are 


to  supply  in  thought  the  promise  to  dismiss  the 
wives  and  probably  also  the  offering  of  a  corres- 
ponding guilt-offering. — Of  the  names  following 
in  vers.  20-22  some  occur  again  in  Neh.  viii.  4; 
x.  2-9,  which  perhaps  designate  the  same  per- 
sons. In  all  eighteen  priests  were  guilty;  none 
of  the  divisions  that  had  returned  with  Zerubba- 
bel  had  kept  themselves  free  from  the  transgres- 
sion (comp.  ii.  36-39). 

In  vers.  23  and  24  ten  Leviles  follow,  among 
whom  Kelaiah,  usually  called  Kelita  (comp.  Neh. 
viii.  7  and  x.  11);  furthermore  Jozabad,  who 
again  occurs  in  Neh.  viii.  7. 

Vers.  26—44  give  the  names  from  the  rest  of 
Israel.  In  all  there  are  eighty-six,  distributed 
among  ten  of  the  families  named  in  chapter  ii. 
It  is  singular  that  the  sons  of  Bani  are  men- 
tioned twice  in  ver.  29  and  ver.  34,  and  proba- 
bly there  is  an  error  in  the  Becoud  Bani,  although 
it  already  occurs  in  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  and 
Esdras.  Whilst  of  every  other  family  only  four, 
six,  seven  or  eight  persons  are  enumerated  in 
ver.  34  sq.  not  less  than  twenty-seven  are  men- 
tioned as  of  this  family.  Furthermore  it  is  sin- 
gular that  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  adduced 
in  ii.  21-28  and  vers.  33-35  are  not  expressly 
mentioned,  whilst  yet  in  ver.  7  sq  and  ver.  14 
those  outside  the  city  come  into  consideration  as 
well  as  the  Jerusalemites.  Probably  the  twenty- 
seven  men  menlioned  in  vers.  34-41  belonged  to 
the  different  districts  of  Judah. 

Ver.  44  concludes  the  entire  catalogue  with  a 
summary  statement. — All  these  had  taken 
strange  'wives. — 'Nb'J  must  be  taken  as  a 
participle;  probably,  however,   we  should  read 

as  the  perfect  IXZ'l.  for  the  expression  Up) 
D'tyj,  comp.  ix.  2.  No  admissible  sense  can  be 
derived  from  the  last  words  of  the  verse;  the 
translation:  And  there  were  among  them  wo- 
men, and  they  had,  or  which  had  brought  sons 
into  the  world,   by   which   the  masc.  suffix  of 

DHO,   and  so  also  the  masc.  form    ID'ifl,  is  re- 
v..>  .^-'^ 

ferred  to  the  wives,  gives  a  statement,   which   is 

too  self-evident   to   be   correct.     But  a  change 

which    Bertheau   proposes:    "And    there    were 

among  them  those  who  sent  away  wives  and  sons," 

does  not  commend  itself,  partly  because  it  is  in 

too  little  connection  with  the  text  as  we  have  it, 

partly  because  such  a  clause  would  likewise  be 

too  self-evident  after  ver.  3. — [Rawlinson  adopts 

the  former  interp.  and  says:    "  The  fact  is  nut  -d 

as  having  increased  the  difficulty  of  Ezra's  task." 

-Tk.] 

thoughts  upon  the  history  of  redemption. 

Vers.  1-4.  1.  It  is  certainly  worthy  of  remark 
that  it  is  not  narrated  of  Ezra  that  he,  as  we 
shjuhl  expect,  expressly  and  severely  denounced 
the  men  married  to  strange  wives,  but  that  we 
are  only  told  of  his  prayer  and  confession  of  sin, 
in  which  he  includes  himself  in  the  number  of 
the  guilty.  Earnest  Borrow  for  the  sin  to  be  de- 
nounced in  others,  and  especially  persevering 
prayer  in  their  behalf,  which  in  the  nature  of  the 
case  readily  includes  intercession,  generally 
makes  a  deeper  impression  as  well  upon  the  per- 
sons themselves  as  their  adherents,  than  casti- 
gating sermons,  as  then  likewis-  here  a  great 
crowd  of  men,  women,  and  children  assembled 


CHAP.  X.  1-44. 


99 


about   the  preying  and  sorrowing  E^ra,  deeply 
affected  by  his  sorrow. 

2.  If  a  head  of  a  community  sorrows  in  true 
sympathy  and  anxiety  for  his  people,  the  better 
class  of  the  people  do  not  lack  t lie  earnest  wish 
to  remove  his  sorrow,  and  especially  its  cause: 
the  love  and  respect  which  they  entertain  for  him 
very  easily  pass  over  into  this  wish,  and  then 
there  is  easily  found  in  the  congregation  itself  a 
spokesman,  who,  as  here  Shechaniah,  openly  ac- 
knowledges the  guilt,  and  correctly  expresses 
what  it  is  necessary  to  do  in  order  to  be  free 
from  it.  Such  a  voioe,  moreover,  arising  out  of 
the  congregation  itself,  such  willingness,  spring- 
ing up  of  itself,  is  the  best  result  and  reward  of 
the  sorrowing  one.  The  willingness  of  the  con- 
gregation, thus  testified,  is  thereby  at  the  same 
time  still  further  intensified  and  enlarged,  and 
the  improvement  which  then  takes  place  as  a  free 
act,  has  a  truly  ethical  significance. 

3.  Such  a  one,  who  stands  in  the  midst  of  a 
congregation,  has  need  not  only  of  a  strict  con- 
scientiousness, but  also  of  great  courage  and 
alacrity,  in  order  to  openly  designate  a  sin  of 
which  many  have  been  guilty  as  a  sin,  and  de- 
mand the  putting  of  it  away.  But  he  who  is 
first  convinced  that  the  sin  in  question  is  really 
sin,  and  that  the  putting  it  away  is  really  God's 
will,  should  not  be  frightened  by  any  objection 
from  expressing  his  conviction,  and  improving 
the  others,  who  perhaps  are  only  weak,  but  not 
hardened.  A  lack  of  conscientiousness  and  cou- 
rage in  this  respect  is  truly  lamentable;  it  is 
ominous  and  ruinous  for  those  in  question.  Joy 
in  God,  on  the  other  hand,  has  its  great  blessings 
under  all  circumstances,  even  when,  instead  of 
good  resulting,  at  first  only  opposition,  scorn, 
and  persecution  are  reaped.  Besides,  a  good 
transaction  never  remains  entirely,  at  least  never 
very  long,  wholly  without  results. 

Vers.  5-8.  It  is  indeed  possible,  yea,  usually 
the  case,  that  the  first  better  feelings  which  dawn 
at  a  reformation  are  transitory.  Many  let  them- 
selves be  carried  away  by  the  awakening  voices 
of  the  better  spirits,  so  that  they  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent outrun  themselves,  and  regard  themselves 
as  capable  of  the  severest  self-sacrifices;  but  af- 
terwards, when  they  come  to  realize  the  difficul- 
ties to  be  overcome,  in  all  their  magnitude,  they 
shrink  back  from  them  as  quickly  as  they  had 
before  resolved  to  overcome  them.  Even  be- 
cause they  are  so  great,  they  deem  themselves 
excused  from  carrying  out  their  resolution.  And 
the  longer  they  hesitate  the  more  grounds  they 
find  to  justify  the  sins  that  were  to  be  put  away. 
He  who  would  truly  improve  a  congregation 
should  therefore  never  be  satisfied  with  a  first 
good  resolution  on  their  part;  his  earnestness, 
his  sorrow,  his  prayer  must  endure,  and  it  must 
be  felt  by  all,  that  he  has  no  rest  and  no  joy  un- 
til the  good  resolution  has  become  act  and  fact. 
But  if  anything,  such  a  perseverance  will  have 
the  power  to  deepen  and  render  permanent  the 
penitence  of  the  congregation,  so  that,  as  in  our 
history,  it  takes  the  steps  with  earnestness  and 
zeal,  that  are  necessary  to  carry  out  the  good  re- 
solution. 

Vers,  fl-12.  The  wife  was  not  in  such  a  high 
station  among  the  Israelites  as  among  Chris- 
tians.    Polygamy   was   still    allowed.     Yet   the 


true  relation  to  God  and  the  recognition  of  the 
truth,  that  the  woman  had  been  created  in  the 
divine  image,  already  involved,  that  the  posi- 
tion of  the  man  towards  the  woman  was  much 
better  than  among  the  heathen  Asiatics.  The 
demand  that  wives  and  children  should  be  dis- 
missed was  at  any  rate,  for  the  most  of  the  par- 
ties concerned,  one  of  the  hardest  that  could  at 
all  be  made.  But  a  true  reformer  should  not  he- 
sitate to  demand  even  the  hardest  things  of  the 
congregation  of  the  Lord,  and  express  his  de- 
mand with  clearness  and  definiteness.  His  rule 
is  God's  word  and  will  alone.  Every  modifica- 
tion, weakening,  and  rendering  it  easy  on  his 
part,  renders  his  work  of  reformation  all  the 
more  difficult.  For  it  deprives  him  of  his  autho- 
rity as  an  instrument  of  God  ;  he  thereby  aban- 
dons the  only  safe  foundation,  besides  passes 
over  to  act  in  his  own  name.  It  renders  it  diffi- 
cult for  the  congregation  to  follow  him.  For  to 
do  God's  pure  and  clear  will  there  is  ever  to  be 
found  fresh  readiness,  but  to  execute  the  will  of 
a  man,  or  what  he  may  think  proper,  does  not  sa- 
tisfy. The  divine  will  often  demands  much — very 
much — but  its  accomplishment  has  a  correspond- 
ing blessing,  but  this  fails  if  God's  demand  is 
weakened  by  human  devices. 

Vers.  13-17.  1.  We  cannot  blame  the  autho- 
rities for  assembling  the  people  without  delay 
even  in  the  cold  and  rainy  season  of  the  year. 
The  removal  of  transgressions  against  God's  law 
and  will  admits  of  no  delay.  But  again,  it  would 
not  have  been  justifiable  for  Ezra  to  have  pre- 
pared additional  unnecessary  burdens  for  the 
people,  who  already  had  besides  enough  to  bear 
in  the  burden  they  had  taken  on  themselves  if 
He  exposed  them  to  the  injuries  of  the  storm,  so 
to  speak,  punished  them.  Towards  him  who  is 
willing  to  impose  upon  himself  every  self-denial, 
even  the  hardest,  for  the  sake  of  the  word  of  God, 
every  possible  forbearance  has  ever  its  proper 
place.  And  under  all  circumstances  he  who  would 
carry  out  a  difficult  work  of  reformation  has  to 
take  cire  that  everything  moves  on  in  order. 

2.  From  our  point  of  view,  the  dismissal  of 
strange  wives  wiih  their  children,  seems  extra- 
vagantly severe, — without  doubt  there  were  also 
many  in  the  congregation  of  that  time  who  found 
the  demand  of  Ezra  beyond  measure  hard,  many 
who  might  be  ruined  by  this  proceeding.  Not- 
withstanding, if  we  properly  estimate  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  that  period,  and  especially  the 
great  dangers  that  threatened  the  very  existence 
of  the  congregation,  we  will  be  obliged  to  re- 
gard Ezra  a3  in  the  right.  We  are  not  always 
to  avoid  that  which  maybe  a  stumbling-block. 
The  point  of  view  which  alone  decides  at  last,  is 
ever  that  the  communion  with  the  Lord  must  be 
re-established  or  furthered  ;  all  communion  and 
friendship  with  men  must  stand  in  the  back- 
ground. If,  when  we  let  the  latter  retire  to  the 
background  we  be  regarded  as  destitute  of  con- 
sideration and  the  like,  we  may  easily  put  up 
with  it.  Even  the  opinion  of  men  already  pre- 
pares a  martyrdom,  to  which  Peter's  word  may 
be  applied,  "happy  are  ye;  for  the  Sprit  of 
glory  and  of  God  resteth  upon  you."  1  Pet.  iv. 
14.  What  a  thorough  success  his  proceeding 
without  reg  <rd  to  consequences  had  is  clear  from 
Neh.  viii. — x.  ;  for  it  certainly  already   gave  an 


100 


THE  BOOK  OF  EZRA. 


important  impulse  to  the  renewal  of  the  covenant 
there  narrated, — it  is  clear  then  moreover  from 
Vs.  cxi.  and  cxii.,  which  praise  the  Lord  still  for 
the  redemption  given  to  the  people,  at  the  same 
time,  however,  already  are  full  of  praise  of  the 
law  and  the  disposition  in  accordance  with  the 
law,  especially  also  from  Ps.  cxix.,  if  it  origi- 
nated already  in  this  period  where  the  poet,  just 
as  Ezra  in  chap,  ix.,  refers  to  deadly  peril,  from 
which  the  Lord  only  has  delivered  him,  or  re- 
moved him,  and  the  one  thought  that  only  in  the 
keeping  of  the  divine  commandments  is  salvation, 
is  given  with  variation,  comp.  especially  ver.  37  sq. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  The  power  of  sorrow  over  sin  (if  it 
he  a  true,  divine  sorrow) :  1)  It  moves  the  pious 
to  sympathy  and  sorrow;  2)  the  more  intelligent 
to  the  recognition  of  sin  ;  3)  the  guilty,  at  least 
in  part,  to  the  resolution  to  put  away  sin. — The 
possibility  of  hope  in  God:  1)  In  spite  of  what 
circumstances:  even  when  the  pious  leaders  sor- 
row, and  the  more  intelligent  are  obliged  to  ad- 
mit great  transgression ;  2)  under  what  condi- 
tions: when  we  are  ready  to  re-establish  the 
communion  with  God  by  putting  away  sin,  and 
again  cheer  those  sorrowing  for  it. — Starke:  If 
we  have  sinned  and  deserved  punishment,  we 
should  not  despair,  or  let  go  every  hope,  as  if  we 
were  out  and  out  ruined ;  but  we  should  confess 
the  sins  committed,  lament  and  grieve  for  them, 
and  take  our  refuge  with  the  mercy  of  God. 

Vers.  5-8.  How  will  it  be  better?  1)  If  he  who  has 
to  represent  the  cause  of  God  obligates  superiors 
(fat hers  and  teachers)  to  do  their  duty  and  suffers 
sorrow  so  long  as  they  have  not  accomplished 
their  work. — Searke:  Preachers  should  be  an 
example  for  the  people  (1  Tim.  iv.  12),  that  they 
should  see  their  good  works  and  be  likewise  in- 
cited to  good. — In  the  example  of  the  great  is  a 
great  power  for  evil  and  also  for  good.  2)  When 
the  superiors  earnestly  and  zealously  take  heed 
to  remove  the  general  transgression.  3)  When 
those  who  would  not  follow  are  excluded  from 


communion  with  the  others. — Starke:  Those 
who  publicly  sin  should  be  publicly  chastised,  in 
order  that  others  also  may  fear.  Preachers 
should  chastise  with  especial  earnestness  where 
there  is  loose  conduct  in  matter  of  marriage. — In 
true  conversion  we  must  for  God's  sake  re- 
nounce that  which  is  hard  and  difficult  for  us  to 
renounce. 

Vers.  9-12.  True  willingness  to  set  aside  that 
which  separates  from  God:  1)  on  the  side  of  the 
people — they  follow  the  call  of  their  superiors 
punctually,  with  zeal,  in  spite  of  external  diffi- 
culties; 2)  on  the  side  of  the  teacher — he  sin- 
cerely shows  the  people  their  sins,  and  requires 
of  them  also  confidently  the  most  difficult  things; 
3)  on  the  Bide  of  those  who  have  sinned — they 
vow  to  free  themselves  from  their  guilt. — The 
duty  of  loving  God  more  than  our  nearest  rela- 
tives. 1)  When  we  are  to  follow  it — always  and 
under  all  circumstances,  even  when  to  fulfil  it  is 
especially  difficult.  2)  What  it  means  —  espe- 
cially this,  that  we  do  wrong  in  letting  our  high- 
est good  be  imperilled  by  relatives,  by  our  wives 
or  by  our  children, — that  we  are  therefore  bound 
to  choose  the  wife,  above  all,  with  reference  to 
the  Lord;  3)  upon  what  it  is  based — on  our 
having  to  give  the  Lord  praise  and  honor  (comp. 
ver.  11) — Brentius  :  Non  est  quidem  matrimonium 
sine  consensu  ft  sine  promissione,  at  ilia  non  suffi- 
ciunt.  In  contractu  matrimonii  requiretur  legis  ob- 
servatio. 

[Scott:  Genuine  humiliation  before  God  and 
sorrow  for  sin  always  produce  works  meet  for 
repentance. — Fervent  affections  should  not  be 
allowed  to  subside  till  our  most  beloved  sins  have 
been  renounced. — Henry:  Our  weeping  for  other 
people's  sins  may  perhaps  set  them  a  weeping  for 
themselves,  who  otherwise  would  have  continued 
senseless  and  remorseless. — Then  there  is  hope 
of  people  when  they  are  convinced  not  only  that 
'tis  good  to  part  with  their  sins,  but  that  'tis  in- 
dispensably necessary.  —  Wordsworth:  Prayer 
may  preach;  the  sighs  and  sobs  of  the  penitent 
are  sometimes  thn  hest  sermons;  but  prayers  and 
teara  avail  not  without  practice. — Tr.] 


THE  END 


Date  Due 


